Showing posts with label david cameron. Show all posts
Showing posts with label david cameron. Show all posts

Friday, 26 August 2016

The Humbug of Professional Feminism


by Les May
I AM not a feminist.  I dislike feminism as a philosophical stance, because I see no reason to privilege one section of society over another and as a political stance it seems to me self serving, inherently reactionary, intent upon perpetuating unfairness and hierarchies, and destructive of personal relationships.  

Now simply writing this is probably (certainly?) enough to get me lumped with the men that Julie Bindel was writing about in her 2006 opinion piece for the Guardian, 'Why I hate men'.  Seemingly writing that you 'hate' men is OK but writing 'I hate EMOs or Goths or..' well fill in you own list here, could get your remarks logged as 'hate crime'.

Perhaps the height of absurdity has now been reached when a recent piece in the 'i' newspaper turned out to be an interview with a 'professional' feminist, a job which I assume is more lucrative and less tiring than say working for Sports Direct or Amazon.

But whilst 'professional' feminists are still mercifully rare, building a career around feminism is not.  I've already mentioned Julie Bindel who certainly falls into this category, but she is almost unknown outside feminist circles.  Much better known is Labour's  Harriet Harman, she of the 'pink bus' and cousin to David Cameron.  The 'pink bus' campaign did not go down well with some women as you will see from Ella Whelan's comments at Spiked Online.

Harriet's silence on Simon Danczuk's past and recent activities in Spain is telling and suggests she is a bit of a humbug.  In 2002 the BBC reported:

'Crown prosecutors are to be urged to press on with prosecutions in cases of domestic violence, even if the victim wants the case dropped.

Solicitor General Harriet Harman is backing the move as part of a range of measures to crack down on domestic abuse.

'It is about where the public interest lies when the victim is insisting the case be dropped," she will tell a police conference on domestic violence on Tuesday.

'She might want to forgive him, but the next time he assaults her she could be killed.'

So why did she not speak up when the Mail on Sunday reported at length in July 2015 on what Karen Danczuk's family claimed happened in Spain in 2008.  And why, after Mr Danczuk was arrested in Spain recently following an incident which has striking similarities with the 2008 incident, is she still silent?

And before anyone tells me that Mr Danczuk is suspended from the Labour party at present and does not hold the Labour whip, you should know that he is once again trying to sail his ship with a Labour flag, as you will see if you check out his job advert.

Labour MPs have other things to think about at present, like their holidays, but even if they are wise to keep their mouths shut about Simon's recent constituency office tryst, the story Karen Danczuk told in the Sun on Sunday only a few days ago merits a response.  At least from a woman who was once a Labour Solicitor General.  Ironically it is a group of men who were expelled from the Labour party who have made the link between the events in Spain in 2016 and 2008, and want the fallout from the latter re-opened.









Thursday, 1 October 2015

The Inconsistency of Simon Danczuk

Les May
THERE'S been a spat on Twitter about some tweets by Rochdale Labour councilor, John Blundell. In defending Simon Danczuk's right to be make critical remarks about the Labour party Blundell is on the side of the angels.  The right to hold those in power to account is what democracy is all about.
But those who are critical of Danczuk, (and in some cases go so far as to question whether he should still hold the Labour whip), surely have a right to expect that if he pledges his loyalty to work constructively his actions will show some signs of meaning it.
Three days after Corbyn's election to the Labour leadership he is quoted as saying:
'After the long slog of the leadership contest, I am looking forward to a fresh start for the Labour Party.
'We now have the chance to move on from the General Election defeat we suffered in May.
'There has been a heated debate on all sides during the last three months but now is the time for unity and to focus on opposing this Tory Government.
'I am encouraged by some of the Shadow Cabinet appointments and I hope this is an early sign that Jeremy Corbyn is serious about broadening his appeal to more moderate voters.
'That is what we need to do if Labour is going to win in 2020.
'Tough times are ahead, but I look forward to working with the new frontbench team to make sure hardworking families in Rochdale are well represented by Labour in Parliament.'
How sweet and reasonable. But since then he has been happy to be the mouthpiece for anti Corbyn comments quoted in at least three articles in papers from the Daily Mail stable and two in the Sun. One of these published the day after the conference opened, which shows him as the author is headed 'The party I love is now a deluded, bullying cult'.
In this he tries to disinter the spectre of 'The Militant Tendency' as a stick with which to beat Corbyn and his supporters.  What he does not see fit to mention is that although Militant held sway in Liverpool, at the height of its influence it never claimed more than 4,500 members.  This is about the number of people who have signed the petition to 'Dump Danczuk' which he has dismissed.  Contrast this with the quarter of a million people (251,417) who voted for Corbyn in the leadership election.
We have seen this tactic of claiming he is being bullied used before.  In Rochdale in 2009, it was
used to have five members of the constituency Labour party expelled.
But perhaps the most bizarre bit of the article was where he wrote:
'Labour’s historic mission is to ensure wealth, power and opportunity are in the hands of the many, not the few... '.
With all this talk of 'historic mission', I wondered if I'd stumbled into Marxist territory.  But at least it was nice to see that Simon did have a vague idea of what the Labour party used to be about.  Usually he is demanding that Labour slash welfare spending and 'get tough on immigration'.  (Incidentally if you read the article on immigration carefully you'll see another favourite Danczuk trick which he has used quite a lot; reporting a conversation he says he had with an unnamed third party, which of course no one can verify.)
He's also wrong about universal benefits.  In general these are targeted at the two periods of a persons life when they are least able to enhance their income by working; in childhood and old age, that is why they are universal.  Paying universal benefits to higher rate tax payers may seem wasteful, but it is an excellent reason for having them pay higher taxes which pay for the benefits of the less well off,  because they benefit too.  Note also how Cameron has dumped the cost of 'free' TV licenses on the BBC.  Unfair though this is, Simon's 'bull at a gate' approach would have ensured Labour's alienation from the very people who are most likely to vote in an election, the elderly.  Nice one Simon!
At a 'fringe' meeting after Corbyn's speech he said:  'You don’t win elections on a mantra of misery.'
By which he meant 'don't mention food banks and poverty'.  So much for Labour's 'historic mission' of four days ago.  I echo his saying 'Labour needed to "celebrate" its successes in government and how it had helped working people.'  But the irony is that 'New' Labour did manage to bring about a fall in the proportion of children and the elderly suffering income poverty (defined as 60% of median income) precisey by focussing on eliminating the misery that poverty brings.
And of course he was back on his old themes with 'You’ve got to talk about welfare reform, you’ve got to talk about immigration, you’ve got to be, as a political party, and leader of a political party, patriotic, you’ve got to talk about Englishness.'  (I hope the SNP, Plaid Cymru and the shade of Samuel Johnson were listening carefully.)
Increasingly Danczuk reminds me of the working class Tories I met when I was young and an opportunist to boot.  He'll have a chance to prove me wrong when the Tories put measures before parliament to scrap the 2010 Child Poverty Act.
The assumption that all the people who voted Tory in the last election only ever act out of self interest is cynical.  People, even people who sometimes vote Tory, do have consciences.  Labour needs to rediscover that as well as its 'historic mission' its policies can be rooted in morality too. Poverty in a country as rich as ours and the rise in dependency on food banks are immoral and Labour should ignore Simon Danczuk and say so.

Tuesday, 1 September 2015

Labour Party: 'What's it for?'

by Les May
THE starting point for Kenan Malik's piece 'What is the Labour Party for?' which appeared recently in the New York Times, is the surprise emergence of Jeremy Corbyn as a serious contender for the Labour leadership. Malik assumes that some of those who sponsored him did so only to give an illusion of the possibility of real change in the Labour party. Corbyn's ignominious defeat would then signal once and for all that the so called 'modernisers' had won the argument.

But as Malik observes Corbyn's critics 'offer no alternative political vision that would engage voters looking for social change'. Implied, but not stated, is the assumption that there exists a body of voters dissatisfied with the present social arrangements. Corbyn's appeal to Labour members and to already committed voters would appear to make Malik's assumption correct.

Whether Malik is right that Corbyn wants to recreate a Labour Party rooted in the power of the unions is open to doubt. Not least because the voting arrangement which may bring Corbyn to the leadership was put in place precisely to limit the power of the unions to choose the leader. A genuinely popular movement rooted in party membership which saw the unions as partners with a role to play in defending their members may yet emerge.

Surprisingly given his diagnosis that Labour's 1997 victory was as much to do with the internal squabbles of the Tories as with Blair making the party 'electable' Malik does not draw attention to the fact that Labour's present problems stem from the fact that the Blairite Labour party concentrated on getting power without asking why it wanted it. Instead his critique is muted suggesting only that the Blair years failed to provide a long term solution to Labour's need 'to find a new constituency and a new role'.

Although Malik attributes Blair's strategy of 'triangulation', or stealing policies from one's opponents, as being borrowed from Clinton's 1996 re-election campaign it has a much longer and more informative history. The 'post war' consensus which he identifies with Keynesian policies and the use of the state as a lever for social change was based upon 'triangulation' between a 'One Nation' Tory party and Labour. In fact the consensus was also built around a mixed economy, full employment, strong but not overweening trades unions, the welfare state, decolonisation and the Atlantic alliance. Speaking recently on the Parliament Channel  Kenneth Clark described the final two years of the Heath government of the early 1970s as 'like a poor man's social democracy'.

So strongly was this the case that The Economist invented a fictitious figure 'Mr Butskell' when a moderate Tory, R. A. Butler (Rab), succeeded Labour's Hugh Gaitskell as chancellor in 1951. Today the equivalent figure would be 'Mr Camonblair', who may well turn out to be a hermaphrodite.

Butskell and Camonblair are where the two main parties have reached a kind of equilibrium. But those equilibria are poles apart and whether Mr Butskell and Mr
Camonblair would be on speaking terms I rather doubt, with Butskell far to the left in present day terms and Camonblair far to the right from a post war perspective. The emergence of Mr Camonblair may be what Malik means when he argues that the division between social democracy and conservatism has gone. If indeed this were the case then the Labour party has indeed outlived its usefulness.

An alternative view is that these two fictitious figures simply illustrate the futility of arguing about where the centre ground in politics lies. The effect of the Thatcher years was to shift 'the centre' far to the right around a new equilibrium. But it was the unravelling of the post war consensus which allowed Thatcherism to emerge. If, as argued earlier, part of that consensus was 'strong but not overweening trades unions', then union militancy in the late 1970s was as much a factor as changes within the Tory party. No one seems to have suggested that external factors played a role.

Thatcher did not take power with a fully worked out program for shifting the 'centre' of politics to the right. Privatisation was initially an ad hoc gamble which appeared to be popular. Part of the failure in the years preceding Blair was not to spell out why not all privatisations were equal. New capital would flood in for investment in BT because rapid technological changes meant it would return a substantial profit. As we have found, investment in new water pipes, new generating plant or new rolling stock would not unless prices were allowed to rise faster than was needed just to maintain a replacement program and keep up with inflation.

Malik argues that the post war political system has unravelled. But as the last example shows the companies running so called 'natural monopolies' like water are not allowed to raise prices willy nilly and energy companies are forced to invest in programs which are designed to reduce the demand for their product. In other words the mechanisms for state intervention are still in place. A Labour  government could still make use of these for its own programme.

He also claims that what he calls key elements of progressive politics have become unstitched; a belief in community and collective action, a progressive economic policy and a liberal view of individual rights. Of these I identify one as being distinctly socialist; a belief in collective action.

All too often the word 'community' is thrown about like Smarties at a children's party, a 'progressive' economic policy is so vague as to be meaningless and a liberal view of individual rights is not unique to a Labour party built on socialism or social democracy. By legislating for same sex marriage Cameron has come to be seen as liberal minded and progressive, whilst at the same time his Chancellor undermines any belief in collective action to reduce poverty.

I find it difficult to agree with Malik's generalisation that the left adopts a reactionary stance on rights and freedoms. Nor does it seem to me that one can generalise that the left is unwilling to defend free speech. The only Labour MP I know who has suggested limiting free speech is Simon Danczuk who did so in a 'tweet'. Some of the worst offenders in trying to limit free speech are individuals who see themselves as having a liberal view on things like sexual orientation.

If Malik's final paragraph is intended as an outline program for Labour to return to power only one of his three requirements seems to me unique to a socialist or social democratic party; the championing of collective action. Right wing parties can also champion individual rights, particularly when it means a right to exploit others. In the five years after 1945 Labour lived with austerity yet put in place the Welfare State. It did so by ensuring that those who could best afford it bore the heaviest burden.

Questions about purpose do not occur in vacuo. They have context and the questioner may have their own agenda. A marxist and a social democrat would have very different answers, drawn from their own preoccupations to fall back on.

Nor am I convinced of the relevance of questions like this to voters. The revulsion at the mere mention of Margaret Thatcher may owe more to the general impression she gave than from memories of the miner's strike. Ditto Blair, whose continuing continuing interventions merely remind us of a man keen to line his own pocket and rankle far more than the invasion of Iraq. Jeremy Corbyn please take note.

http://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/22/opinion/kenan-malik-jeremy-corbyn-britain-labour-party.html?_r=0

Tuesday, 16 June 2015

Oh Lord! Deliver Us From The Danczuks!




Karen and Simon Danczuk are Labour’s most colourful couple. She is a selfie-obsessed former councillor, he is an outspoken MP and scourge of establishment paedophiles. Camilla Long puts them in the frame:

KAREN Danczuk actually nekkid? When I arrive at her bungalow in Rochdale, “the most embarrassing wife in Westminster”, as some people describe her, has just stepped out of the shower. She is flipping her mermaid hair and shimmying across her front room in a towel, slipping into the miniest of minidresses preparing for — well, what? The Sydney Mardi Gras? The swimsuit section of a beauty pageant? Slinking up to racers as a podium girl? Actually, just a cricket match, for which Karen apparently requires neon pink pants and lashings of make-up, applied over the course of our conversation. I’ve never interviewed anyone who spends at least a third of the allocated time staring at themselves in a mirror. But then I’ve never interviewed a couple like Karen and Simon Danczuk before.
Once in a blue moon, politics blesses us with a seriously bonkers couple, a pair so comprehensively and wildly up for the lolz that they cannot resist getting tangled up in a sea of silliness and boobs. The Labour MP for Rochdale and his giggly wife are as flash as they are brash, living life in and out of the tabloids and on Twitter. I’m not sure they’re even politicians — more reality-show contestants with rosettes.
I first became aware of backbencher Simon, for example, when he said that voters thought Ed Miliband was a “f****** knob”, just before the election. Miliband was “aloof” and a hypocrite, he thundered, “more of a toff than David Cameron”. He was the only Labour politician to question Miliband at the time. He said Miliband’s stupid tactics were costing him votes on the doorstep, rightly predicting chaos.
Since he arrived in parliament in 2010, Danczuk has gained a reputation for this kind of outburst: he reported Chris Huhne to the police when he read in the papers that the former Lib Dem cabinet minister had asked someone to take his points on their licence. He exposed one of his predecessors in Rochdale, Cyril Smith, as a violent paedophile. He is currently spearheading a campaign against other high-profile alleged paedophiles, including Lord Janner.
So what is he doing with someone as flirty as Karen? It is one of Westminster’s hottest and most puzzling questions. She is — although my research is not entirely exhausted — the first MP’s wife to openly make a living out of posting pictures of her breasts on the internet, snapping endless suggestive pictures while out campaigning and “volunteering” during the election — bending over, say, a car, while three firemen help her wash it (“thanks for washing my beast”); also drinking champagne naked in the bath and juicing both of them up with suntanning oil by a pool on holiday in Spain.
He is definitely thrilled to be her husband, but can she do something as mature as love?  Surfing Karen’s selfies on Twitter is the least political experience I have ever had — the 32-year-old has recently been selling prints of the signed and “scented” selfies for £10 each on eBay, apparently putting the proceeds towards a white Range Rover.
The 4x4 dwarfs their modest bungalow, a constant hulking reminder that the loidy of the house is “famous for her breast pictures”. Inside, parliament’s Queen of Selfies twirls vacantly and takes pictures with her two sons, Milton, 7, and Maurice, 5 (Simon has another two children with his first wife, Sonia). I have never met a family so chaotic. (During the interview she cries and then Simon cries, both swear and loudly slag other people off and everyone behaves as if this is a perfectly normal Sunday morning.)
Karen was, until recently, a quiet Labour wife, a shy local councillor, who met her future husband as a volunteer at Rochdale Labour Club while he was still married, about 10 years ago. Karen, then a compliance officer, would go to the club after work to hang out. She became Simon’s assistant, eventually rising to councillor, before marrying him. (Sonia divorced Simon in 2010 on grounds of adultery.)
Only last summer she suddenly decided to ditch everything — she won’t be a councillor again. “I’ve got the T-shirt, it’s a ticked box,” she says — in order to concentrate full time on her boobs, or “ding-dongs” as she calls them, hiring a shiny London PR to cook up an endless supply of tabloid stories and help her attract 50,000 followers on Twitter.
She now takes selfies constantly. Does she feel the pictures don’t actually exist if she doesn’t show her honkers? She claims “there’s not that many [pictures] that show boobs”, but after a forensic search I can confirm they amount to at least three-quarters of her postings. And what does Simon, 48, make of her pictures? “I do get asked,” he says, snugly sipping a brew on the sofa in the sitting room, as Karen crosses and uncrosses her knickers like a contestant on Blind Date, “what attracted me to the 36DD Karen Danczuk?” (Sometimes when he tells this story, the figure is as high as a bra-churning 34E.) He gives a roar of laughter. She gives a roar of laughter. “My personality!” she squeaks.
Grin up north: Simon and Karen discover the “portrait” — it’s a bit like a selfie, but no iPhone (Steve Morgan)Do they ever have time for politics, I wonder? Simon spends much of his time defending Karen on Twitter, attacked by “feminists!” and “Labour people!” telling him to tell her to “rein it in”. He has endless “rude remarks. You know, ‘he’s punching above his weight’.”
“This perception that Simon’s got loads and loads of money and he’s my sugar daddy,” gobbles Karen. “Well actually, we didn’t back then. We lived in a two-up, two-down terrace on an estate.”
“We’re a team,” nods Simon.
But it is true that Simon’s otherwise successful career as an MP is in danger of being drowned by a tide of sportswear and nipples. He even suffered his own porn shame when his phone — he claims accidentally — started favouriting explicit material on Twitter a few months ago (he blamed a faulty phone charger). He may have spent the past four years unearthing the true horrors inflicted on “dozens upon dozens” of children by his predecessor in Rochdale, Cyril Smith, but in the face of Karen’s high spirits he, too, seems to have gone a bit Joey Essex. Even today he struggles to maintain a line of rational argument over Karen, who takes five, six, seven selfies. (I’m afraid two are with me.)
He knew Labour was heading for trouble, he explains, when he’d been out knocking on doors during the election, so he wasn’t “completely shocked by the result”. What shocks him now are the problems facing the party, terrible months of bloodletting in which everyone will blame the unions, or as Karen howls, “the London elite”. It is inevitable that the party “has to change a heck of a lot”, he says. “People need to accept we got it wholly and completely wrong.”
At one point he was intending to stand for deputy leader, but couldn’t get the votes (“Too early”, he says). He is now backing Liz Kendall for leader, a politician who, like him, is to the right of the party and interested in business, rather than the “wishy-washy” leftism that has not worked, says Karen. “You’ve got to appeal to everyone, haven’t you?”
Neither of them is afraid to admit they like making and spending money. People should listen to businessmen “because they’re successful,” shrugs Simon. “It’s not like the mill owners saying you’ve got to vote in a certain way.” No one should listen to someone like Russell Brand — a “disgrace” and a “pillock”, says Simon — who performed a misguided interview with Miliband. “And then they roll out that bloody whatsisname… who was it?” He means Eddie Izzard. “I don’t really know who Eddie Izzard is,” says Karen.
No one in Rochdale does. Looking around, the Danczuks’ house could not be less glitzy, with its pen on the walls, flimsy doors and plywood fittings, barely any possessions apart from a huge bank of DVDs and political books like Brown at 10 and other self-help manuals. Karen, who grew up six miles away in Middleton, comes from a family so poor her mother has never left England. “Never been on an aeroplane,” she says. “Never worked in her life. Just had loads of kids.” Her sister “has never been to Spain. She’s never gone to a restaurant on her own. She went to a pub not long ago, like Christmas Day. But she can’t order food. She doesn’t have the social skills.”
Even Karen struggles: she had only been to London “three times” before Simon became an MP. She recently ate in a pub on her own, and it “didn’t faze me”. “You’ve grown in confidence,” nods Simon. I am quite shocked, and touched, when she tells me that before she gave birth to her sons, she had no idea she needed to go to the doctor or about pre-natal classes. She just turned up at the hospital like a dairy cow waiting to be milked.
Simon himself grew up with “quite literally holes in my shoes”, leaving school at 16 with no qualifications. His English father was adopted by Ukrainians after the war. Apparently there are lots of Ukrainians in Burnley and Rochdale; the name is pronounced Dan-shook. Simon followed the classic factory-night school-government officer trajectory of the Labour MP. He began as a worker making gas fires, before studying for a degree from Lancaster University, then becoming a public-affairs consultant and then an MP.
He got further “brownie points” a year or so after his election, after he made a speech in parliament following the grooming scandal in Rochdale. Everyone told him to shut up about the sex-trafficking operation, which, in 2012, saw nine Asian men convicted of offences against at least 47 white girls. “Many said, don’t mention ethnicity,” he says. Even his neighbouring MP, Jim Dobbin, now deceased, told him: “Don’t talk about race. You know, we don’t do it like that.”
But Danczuk ignored him. He made a speech about Rochdale and felt he had to mention Cyril Smith. “And that kicked everything off.”  The Liberals around Rochdale were furious. “ ‘You mentioning Smith, how dare you?  You’re a disgrace.’ Blah, blah, blah. But then many more victims and police officers came forward.”  By 2014, Danczuk had enough material to publish a well-received book revealing the extent of Smith’s terrible crimes.  The cover-up, he later said, “reached from Rochdale all the way to the very top of the establishment”.
Indeed: a few months after the book came out, three senior police officers from Leicestershire police asked to come and see him.  The policemen wanted to know if Smith had ever been connected to Lord Janner, a former Labour politician also accused of terrible crimes in children’s homes and more. They wanted to know the “political fallout” of arresting someone like Janner.  During the meeting they told him about the allegations against the peer, “which were, you know…”  His eyes fill with tears. “I get upset about this stuff.” “Do you want a hanky?” says Karen.
Simon goes outside with the hanky. When he comes back, he says the allegations against Janner are “much worse” than Smith.  He claims that both Janner and Smith came as a bit of a surprise — he had never really been interested in child abuse, but somehow he arrived in Rochdale, “and then, out of all the families I could have married into,” laughs Simon.
Because the most dreadful part of the entire Danczuk saga is Karen’s claim that she is a victim of abuse herself.  Last February, she said she was raped and sexually abused “hundreds of times” by someone close to her family as a child.  A few weeks later, her brother was arrested for abusing her between the ages of six and 11 (he is five years older).
Her mother has dismissed the allegations as “bullshit”, saying that Karen is an “attention-seeker” and a fantasist. Her brother said he felt like he was in some kind of X-Factor soap opera in which Karen is using the abuse allegations for column inches. Karen claims that, as a professional sex object, “mixing yourself up with child abuse is not naturally what you’d do to make yourself famous”.
She nevertheless also says that taking selfies is her way of medicating the pain: “I can’t remember which newspaper it was,” she says, “[but] I said I do selfies to cope with my past life.”  Her mother, she adds, is bitter and jealous.  “I am the only one of the five of [her children] who has succeeded in life.”
As a little girl she was “ugly and skinny with massive teeth”.  “Scary,” nods Simon.  “So if someone says, ‘Karen, don’t do selfies,’ ” she adds, “I rebel. I’m going to do it twice as much. That little kid who wouldn’t say boo to a goose — she’s captured Twitter by storm. I just think it’s overwhelming. Like, woo! So that other night we were in the Great Hall [for the election], it was like, oh my God, you deserved to win…”  She’s crying now. “I’m filling up… When I tweet something I get all these replies, like ‘Oh my gosh, Karen, you’re absolutely gorgeous.’ ”
I don’t know what to make of it all: the troubled family background or the survival via tweeting, the endless jiggly stories of how Tristram Hunt begged for a photo or how she once got in a lift with Miliband, pressed her boobs on him and poor Ed “didn’t know where to look”.  Simon worries about not using Twitter enough, not using it right; Karen is simply unable to stop talking about it or indeed anything, including Simon’s ex-wife, Sonia, bringing the total number of people in their immediate family that Karen and Simon aren’t speaking to up to nearly everyone (including, sadly, Simon’s other children).
Sonia, snaps Karen, “is an irrelevance. That’s why we don’t speak about her. Obviously you need to report he’s married, but I mean I would ask…”
She sighs. “But we had the drugs thing not that long ago that came out of nowhere.” 
What drugs thing?  Suddenly I realise: their tabloid reality is moving way faster than mine.  The last time I had this, I was interviewing Katie Price, who had recently been dumped by someone and was determined to leak the name of her new target.  I sat in her white Range Rover, desperately guessing, like the audience on Jeremy Kyle.  But there is no such fan dance with Karen.  She comes straight out with the truth.
“She told this story, yeah,” she rasps, “that Simon used to take drugs.”
“I did take drugs,” interjects Simon. Cripes. “Ecstasy once or twice. And that’s what’s in the piece.” I look it up:  “Boob Pics MP: I took Ecstasy”.  Simon would smoke dope and go out clubbing with his wife in Manchester.
“Yeah,” says Karen. “In your twenties. But you’re approaching 50 now, and as David Cameron says, who hasn’t done it?”
I’m not sure this is what David Cameron does say, but who cares when there are photoshoots and appearances on Loose Women to be done?  Karen has a fervent tabloid imagination:  “Like, right now we’re sat here,” she breathes, “and this is how I always think: some poor kid is being raped.” Nothing is too grim, too awful, too terrible, too thrillingly dingy. It is the Monty Python northerners sketch, but with tits.
What next for the Arthur Miller and Marilyn Monroe of Rochdale?  Simon says politics inevitably puts “a strain” on wives “or husbands”.  He is determined to continue his work as a paedophile hunter.  Karen has not entirely abandoned politics, or at least, is currently an outside bet to become the Boris of the north in Manchester’s mayoral elections in November.
As I leave, I take a selfie with her in the mirror.  She is curiously timid when the camera snaps on, delicate and peering.  I look at her little eyes, like a sexy woodland vole’s.  What does she think when she looks in the mirror?  “I don’t know.”
She turns to Simon. “I don’t think anything, do I?”


As reported in the SUNDAY TIMES MAGAZINE.

Tuesday, 7 October 2014

Downgrading European Court of Human Rights

DAVID Cameron, in an effort to deal with the Ukip threat, is threatening to take Britain out of the European Court of Human Rights.   The Court has become something that the right-wing tabloids, some Conservatives, as well as Ukip deplore.  Jumping ship could be a popular position for Cameron and the Tories to adopt.But the Strasbourg-based court is not a part of the European Union and has nothing to do with the bureaucracy based in Brussels.  It was created in 1953, and was inspired by Winston Churchill, no less.  It tries to set a standard for civil liberties among 46 member states including the EU, the former Soviet block countries and Turkey.


What upset the Tories was when in 2005, the Court in Strasbourg overturned a British ban on giving prisoners the vote.  Cameron said the judgement made him feel 'physically ill'.  Theresa May, the Home Secretary, has claimed that decisions on deporting terrorists made in Strasbourg threatens security in the UK. 


Up to now rulings by the Court are binding on all member states.  If the Tories win the election in May, they will insist that Westminster is granted the right to veto any judgement it doesn't like.  Hence, a Tory government would claim a privilege to pick and choose, and if it does get this right it will leave the convention that underpins the European Court altogether.


This would open up the possibilities of other countries doing the same.  A FT editorial last Saturday says:
'Were the Council of Europe to give Britain the sweeping derogation the Conservatives seek, then other signatories, in particular Russia, would likely demand similar treatment.  This would reduce the convention to the status of a bleating wish list carrying little force.'


The Tories, like the Home Secretary Ms. May, often sneer at the European Court's insistence on the right to a family life.  But those of us who are electricians and have been campaigning for over a decade against the blacklist, know that if the national courts fail to tackle blacklisting in this country workers such as the Manchester electricians will have no alternative but to take their cases to the European Court of Human Rights.  And, the right to a family life may be one of the arguments used.

Monday, 22 September 2014

Scotland's Referendum: 'Put to Bed'

How we got to here?  
OVER wild Scottish venison and fine French red Burgundy on one day in February 2012, David Cameron set out his strategy for defeating a Scottish independence referendum.  In May 2011, the Scottish Nationalists had won a massive victory on a promise of a secessionist vote, and its party leader, Alex Salmond, was keen to carry this through.   

Mr Cameron was in a dilemma: if he chose to dismiss the demand he would be accused of ignoring the popular will of the Scottish people, alternatively he could take a chance and let the referendum happen.   

In the end he backed the latter choice, and huddled in the Peat Inn near the University town of St. Andrews in Scotland Cameron told his advisers that Mr. Salmond would have his referendum.  Crucially though, he would refuse to allow the other Salmond demand for the softer option of more autonomy (later labelled devo-max) to appear on the ballot paper.  He was going to call Mr. Salmond's bluff, and there was going to be the single question:  Should Scotland stay inside the United Kingdom, or leave it forever?  

According to what one person at that Michelin-starred diner said afterwards, the Prime Minister claimed 'it would put the issue to bed.'   

It was a gamble, but it was a gamble that has now had unforeseen consequences.   

Because on the eve of the referendum last week  it looked like Scotland could vote for independence the three Westminster main-stream part leaders made promises they will now be expected to keep.  Thus the goalposts were moved at the last moment!   

Meaning:  If the Scots voted for independence, it would end a 300-year-old union and possible, David Cameron would lose his job, but if they voted against, he would none-the-less have to give them more autonomy, with the peril of what the International New York Times calls 'potentially cascading implications, for the rest of Britain.'   

This unforeseen consequence, which could have serious implications for the Labour Party as well as the Tories, makes Alex  Salmond now look like a Scottish giant among Westminster's political pygmies. 

Monday, 21 July 2014

Labour Party to Act on Blacklisting!

THE Labour Party national policy forum held in Milton Keynes last weekend decided issues on to appear in the General Election manifesto and the following wording was agreed on blacklisting:

'If the current Government will not launch a full inquiry into the disgraceful practice of blacklisting in the construction industry the next Labour Government will.  This inquiry will be transparent and public to ensure the truth is set out.'
This commitment comes only days after David Cameron flatly refused a blacklisting inquiry. Vince Cable at BIS has repeatedly turned down calls for a public inquiry

Blacklist Support Group issued the following statement:
'The Labour Party pledge to hold a "transparent and public" inquiry into blacklisting should be applauded by everyone fighting for justice on this human rights conspiracy.
We have been calling for this for many years - Fair play to them.
 
A big thank you to all those who worked tirelessly behind the scenes to make this happen. 
'The Blacklist Support Group will continue to push for the broadest possible public inquiry to ensure the truth about the entire sordid conspiracy is uncovered. There is documentary proof of police and security services collusion with the Consulting Association and lawyers for the the UK government have recently admitted that blacklisting was a breach of our human rights. Blacklisting of trade unionists is no longer an industrial relations issue: it is a major human rights conspiracy between multinational corporations and the state against trade unions.  We look forward to the day when directors of multinational corporations and senior undercover police officers are publicly forced to justify their illegal covert actions while giving evidence under oath. 
We won't be cracking open the champagne just yet, we will continue to apply pressure by our extra-parliamentary campaigning but this commitment to a public inquiry is a significant step forward and a vindication of our ongoing fight for justice.'
The Labour Party policy forum also made commitments to release the suppressed government papers relating to the Shrewsbury Pickets plus on false self-employment and asbestos. See link from UCATT website for more info: http://www.ucatt.org.uk/ucatt-secures-labour-commitments-false-self-employment-blacklisting-pleural-plaques-shrewsbury
 

Saturday, 30 March 2013

End of the Line in Ashton-under-Lyne?

Universal Credit: Duncan Smith's master plan is grinding to a halt ....

WHEN a government department sneaks out a press release the night before the start of the Easter weekend, it's a sure sign that it's trying to bury bad news. The news, in this instance, is that Universal Credit, Iain Duncan Smith's master plan to reform welfare, has all but ground to a halt. After previously planning to trial the scheme - which will replace six of the main benefits with a single payment - in four areas this April, the Department for Work and Pensions announced that it now would do so in just one: (Ashton-under-Lyne).

The New Statesman Blog reported yesterday:
'A single jobcentre, Ashton-under-Lyne, will accept claims for Universal Credit from 29 April, with the other three pilot areas, Wigan, Warrington and Oldham, not doing so until July. The national rollout is finally due to begin in October but ministers have yet to say when existing claimants will be moved over.'

George Eton, a journalist on the New Statesman, claimed that it was 'concerns over Universal Credit that prompted David Cameron to try and move Duncan Smith during last year's cabinet reshuffle' but Duncan Smith stubbornly resisted Cameron's efforts to remove him.  He may yet have cause to regret this.





Monday, 11 February 2013

Cameron calls for investigation into Tameside Hospital!


Shortly after publication of Sir Robert Francis's report into the scandal at Mid Staffordshire Hospital Trust, the Prime Minister, David Cameron, announced that an immediate investigation is to be carried out by health chief, Sir Bruce Keogh, into five other hospital's which ministers believe could have similar underlying problems to Mid Staffordshire hospital. The five hospital's are - Blackpool, Basildon, Colchester, Burnley and Tameside Hospital.

Data which has been collated by the health and social care information centre, revealed that all these hospital's had higher that expected death rates than would normally be expected for the sort of population the hospital serves. Using the 'summary hospital-level mortality indicator' (SHMI), mortality rates are calculated by comparing the number of patients who die at each hospital and those who die within 30 days of discharge, with the number of patients who would be expected to die, given the sort of population it serves.

The investigation into Tameside Hospital is one of a number which have been undertaken into standards of care and clinical governance at the hospital. In 2006, the local cornoner, John Pollard, branded care at the hospital 'chaotic and despicable' after hearing four inquests into the deaths of elderly patients in one day. In 2007, hospital management blamed high death rates at the hospital on what they called the 'Shipman Factor'. Last year, the hospital was forced to apologise to the family of Emma Stones, a 12-year-old girl with cerebral palsy, who was left to die from blood poisoning, 16 hours after being admitted. Rigor mortis had set in,when she'd been found dead.

Although Tameside Hospital has, according to these findings, the second highest rate of 'excess deaths' in the country, the Chief Executive of the hospital, Christine Green, told the press that she "welcomed the chance to work with Sir Bruce to improve death rates - adding figures were better according to a different measure the HSMR."

Paul Connellan (pictured), who was appointed the Chairman of Tameside Hospital Trust in October 2011, said at the time of his appointment that he believed he had the right skills and experience (30 years experience in the travel industry), to root out problems at the hospital, such as high death rates. Only last week, he praised the hospital's success in driving down death rates and cases of C. difficile and said patient confidence in the hospital had improved.

If previous investigations at Tameside Hospital are anything to go by, then it is highly unlikely that it will lead to any sackings of senior hospital managers, like Mrs. Green or the Chairman of the hospital board. Critics of the Francis report, have pointed out that although the report says that hundreds of patients died needlessly at Mid Staffordshire hospital between 2005-2009, not one person has lost their job at the hospital. Instead, senior hospital managers have been paid-off, promoted or moved sideways.

Wednesday, 26 September 2012

Police Fed boss calls on Tory YOB to resign!



Although no aristocrat, Andrew Mitchell, the  Government chief whip, is renowned for his haughty, arrogant, and rude manner. Those that he takes a dislike to or he considers his social inferiors,  are dismissed as 'plebs' or 'morons'. At Rugby public school, - which he attended like the notorious bully 'Flashman', the scoundrel who appears in  the novel 'Tom Brown's Schooldays', by Thomas Hughes - he was known as 'Thrasher' Mitchell, for his stern disciplinarian approach.

Since the 'Pleb' scandal hit the headlines, the newspapers have been full of reports and anecdotes about Mitchell's arrogance and meaness. It seems that the incident at Downing Street, where Mitchell is alleged to have called an armed police officer a "fucking pleb" and a "moron" because the officer would not open the main gates of Downing Street to let him through with his bike, is not an isolated incident. The police log which was published in the Daily Telegraph, says that Mitchell said: "Best learn your f...... place ... you don't run this f...... government... you're f....... plebs." Indignant at the impudence of these servants, who would not answer his summons, Mitchell, tried to ride his bike through the main gates at Downing Street the following day.

The Labour MP Grahame Morris, told one newspaper that Mitchell " has 'form' for this sort of thing and has had to apologise to 'two or three' Parliamentary staff " for his behaviour. A neighbour of Mitchell's who lived next door to him for 30 years, told the Daily Mail that living next door to him had been a 'nightmare' and that "He is a very rude and arrogant man."  An unnamed Tory source, told the same newspaper : "It is characteristic behaviour. He is a nasty piece of work...it's about bloody time he got his comeuppance."

Snobbishness, is of course something that is knocked into English public school boys and their parents pay a great deal of money for it. Many just can't help but throw their intellectual weight around or pull rank on the vulgar rabble who they believe to be beneath them. 

Brian Howard (the model for Anthony Blanche in Evelyn Waugh's novel Brideshead Revisited) who was at Eton with George Orwell and Harold Acton, was arrested in 1920. When asked by a policeman where he lived, he replied: "I live in Mayfair, I expect you live in some dreary suburb." In Thackeray's novel 'Vanity Fair', the cad, George Osborne, a former pupil of Dr. Swishtail's school for young gentlemen, is described as "generally overbearing and isolent to all those he considered his social inferiors." Fortunately, he gets shot dead at the Battle of Waterloo. Even that socialist stalwart George Orwell, was not immune from snobbery. In his book 'The Road to Wigan Pier', Orwell says:
"When I was fourteen or fifteen I was an odious little snob, but no worse than the other boys of my own age and class. I suppose there is no place in the world where snobbery is quite so ever-present or where it is cultivated in such refined and subtle forms as in the English public school. Here at least one cannot say that English 'education' fails to do its job. You forget your Latin and Greek within a few months of leaving school...but your snobishness, unless you persistently root it out like the bindweed it is, sticks by you till your grave...looking back upon that period, I seem to have spent half the time in denouncing the capitalist system and the other half in raging over the insolence of bus-conductors."

There are some who believe that Mitchell should have been arrested as using foul and abusive language to a police officer is an arrestable offence. Boris Johnson, the Mayor of London, has called for a 'zero tolerance' towards swearing at police officers. Ricky Gemmel, from Gorton, has called for Mitchell to be 'locked up.' Last year, 19-year-old Ricky, was sent to a young offenders institute for 16 weeks after he told the police to 'fuck-off' during the riots in Manchester. He believes that anyone else other than Mitchell, would have been arrested.

But while Mitchell admits to using the F-word in his altercation with armed police officers at the main gates of Downing Street, he says that he used the word 'adjectively' and didn't use any of the words reported by the police including the word 'Pleb'. The Prime Minister, David Cameron, says that he believes that Mitchell didn't use the word 'Pleb' but refused to be drawn on the question as to whether he believes the police are lying. John Tully, Chairman of the Metropolitan Police Federation told the press that Mitchell's remarks were 'outrageous' and called on him to resign.

There will of course be some people who will say that Mitchell's arrogance and snobbishness is typical behaviour for the foul-mouthed Tory yobs who are now running this country. Paul Mckeever, the Police Federation Chairman, believes that Mitchell's behaviour is yet "another example of the contempt some in government hold the police in." However, what the 'Pleb' scandal does show is that even in these mealy-mouthed and politically correct times in which we live, where it is fashionable to talk about classlessness, English middle-class snobbery is always lurking beneath the surface and itching to get out. But as that dreadful English snob Evelyn Waugh says in his novel 'Scoop', even the cleverest man in Fleet Street, the communist and university educated Pappenhacker, - who was so rude to waiters that many restaurants wouldn't have him - believed that every time you were polite to a proletarian, you were helping to bolster up the capitalist system. I doubt that Pappenhacker, would have had much difficulty in crossing the threshold of El Vino, the Fleet Street wine bar which is owned by the Mitchell family.

Friday, 14 September 2012

Jack Straw says: 'Police acted with impunity!'

YESTERDAY, Jack Straw, a former Labour Home Secretary, said that a 'culture of impunity' among the Yorkshire police was created under the Thatcher government and that this led to the Hillsborough cover-up.  This followed the revelations in an independent report on Wednesday that accused the South Yorkshire Police of deflecting blame for the disaster from themselves onto innocent fans.  Mr. Straw said that the then Conservative government was complicit because they needed the 'partisan' support from the police to defeat the miners at that time.

Jack Straw told BBC Radio Four's Today program yesterday:  'The Thatcher government, because they needed the police to be a partisan force, particularly for the miner's strike and other industrial troubles, created a culture of impunity in the police service.'  He continued:  'They really were immune from outside influences and they thought they could rule the roost and that is what we absolutely saw in south Yorkshire.'

This is a brave statement by Jack Straw MP for Blackburn, because as everyone ought to know that the British police have extensive records and data, and tend to be a bit vindictive in dealing with their political critics and that they have long memories.  Consequently most politicians tend to handle them with kid gloves, because many politicians have skeletons in their cupboards and don't want some disgruntled copper whistleblowing on them to the media.  Perhaps for this reason David Cameron, the Prime Minister, in making his apology to the families of the victims of the Hillsborough disaster this week, was careful  to add to his critical statement on this report the well-warn cliche that 'the police have a difficult job to do'.

Conservative politicians such as David Mellor and Lord Tebbit disputed these claims by the former Labour Home Secretary.  Perhaps they have more to hide than Jack Straw?





Wednesday, 12 September 2012

Hillsborough: 'The Truth Is Great!'

WHEN the Berlin Wall came down in 1989 Jim Pinkerton declared:  'The Truth is Great!'.  Jim, then a copy taker on the Sunday People in Manchester and a supporter of Manchester United and Ashton United, made this declaration in classical Latin.  The Hillsborough disaster in South Yorkshire also occurred in 1989, and the relatives of the victims of those who died in the Hillsborough disaster, must be feeling the same way now the report of the Hillsborough Independent Panel has been released today by the Right Reverend James Jones, the Bishop of Liverpool. 

This afternoon, the Prime Minister David Cameron gave a statement to Parliament following the release of previously unseen documents relating to the Hillsborough disaster.  Admitting that the new report's findings are 'deeply distressing' Mr. Cameron pointed to three areas of concern:
i)  The failure of the authorities to help protect people.
ii)  The attempt to blame the fans.
iii)  The doubt cast on the original coroner's inquest.

Most importantly, David Cameron said:  'The families have long believed that some of the authorities attempted to create a completely unjust account of events that sought to blame the fans for what happened.'  He continued:  'Mr Speaker, the families were right.  The evidence in today's report includes briefings to the media and attempts by police to change the record of events.'   Media reports at the time were fed with false allegations about the Liverpool fans:  'Several newspapers reported false allegations that fans were drunk and violent and stole from the dead.'  In particular, Mr. Cameron singled out The Sun and News International for special comment:  'The Sun's report sensationalised these allegations under the banner headline "THE TRUTH".'  'This', said Mr. Cameron, 'was clearly wrong and caused huge offence, distress and hurt.'  It was found that it was part of the efforts of the Yorkshire police to 'develop and publicise a version of events that focused on allegations of drunkenness, ticketlessness and violence.' 

Also the report found that police reports were significantly altered in 164 cases and according to David Cameron: '[in] 116 (there were attempts to) explicitly removed negative comments about the policing operation- including lack of leadership.'

Expect more on this matter.

Monday, 9 July 2012

Blacklist: Tommy Sheridan & Steve Acheson

Tommy Sheridan has revealed that he was kept under surveillance by the Consulting Association blacklisting conspiracy over a period of 14 years while he was first an elected councillor and latterly while he served as an elected Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP). Sheridan's blacklist file, recently disclosed by the Information Commissioners Office, covers the period 1995 to 2009 and relates to times when he had supported campaigns connected to the construction industry including his visits to picket lines involving construction workers and his advocacy of improved working conditions across the building industry.

It was originally thought that the construction industry blacklist only covered trade union members but recently released files prove that the Consulting Association also spied on academics, journalists, lawyers and elected politicians on behalf of the 44 largest building contractors in the UK. Tommy Sheridan is the first of the elected politicians to confirm he was spied on and featured on the blacklist.

Tommy was elected to Glasgow City Council from his prison cell in Saughton jail in 1992 as he served a sentence related to opposition to the poll tax and specifically poll tax warrant sales. He served 4 months of a 6 month sentence and was elected to the council in May 1992. The Consultancy Association file on Sheridan begins in 1995. He was elected to serve as a Member of the Scottish Parliament for the Glasgow Region in 1999. The secret file on him covers 1995 through to 2009. Sheridan served two terms in the Scottish Parliament before narrowly losing his seat in 2007.

The fact the file stretches over a 14 year period proves how determined the Consultancy Association was to keep tabs on individuals they deemed to be potential trouble-makers. The blacklist file records events such as Sheridan's support for striking electricians in Edinburgh in 2000 and support of community protests against the M77 extension through woodland and wildlife areas in his constituency. One entry relates to a time when he was acting on official council business and assisted constituents to gain employment as security guards on a Beazer Homes construction project. The blacklist file contains completely untrue smears including claims that Sheridan was going to be given one of the Council houses under construction!! There is two entries in the file related to this period, March and May 1995, and an identified 'source' with initials attached is recorded as the origin of the information.

Other information on the blacklist file comes from press cuttings, while some information was supplied by the Scandinavian multi-national construction giant Skanska.

Tommy Sheridan said last Friday:
'Everyone in the labour movement suspected for years that big companies compiled secret blacklists containing trade unionists and activists but now those suspicions are proven to be a sad reality. For daring to support construction workers fighting for better wages and conditions you find yourself placed on a blacklist. Because I supported local constituents getting jobs on local construction sites I was blacklisted. These companies are sinister and secretive and can ruin the livelihoods of trade union members who dare to speak up for their fellow workers. The full extent of the activities of groups like the Consultancy Association have to be exposed. Who financed them? Who supplied them with their information? Who used the information? As a socialist who opposes big business exploitation I expect to be targeted but thousands of ordinary workers have been unable to find work because they appear on these files. It is a scandal and a disgrace and it must be fully exposed.'

Francie Graham, blacklisted electrician from Dundee who recently gave evidence to the Select Committee said:
'I always had to travel for work because I could never find work in Dundee and hardly ever in Scotland. I had to work down South in London and Wales.  The first entry on my blacklist file is from 1975 from a job for Dundee City Council when I was active in the union.  I had to work through agencies who are out with our national agreements, where I got no protection from any legislation. There were many times when I have been tapped on the shoulder and told there was no work for me when everyone else on the job carried on working. I recently lost my wife. I believe that always travelling and only getting home every 4 or 6 weeks for a weekend affected my wife's health. This blacklist hasn't just had an impact on my working life, its evil tentacles spread into all areas of family life.'

Evidence recently appeared in The Observer newspaper that some entries on blacklist files could only have been supplied by the police or security services and resulted in calls for a full public inquiry by Michael Meacher MP, John McDonnell MP and Drew Smith MSP. The Scottish Affairs Select Committee in the Westminster parliament chaired by Ian Davidson MP is currently carrying out an investigation into blacklisting. David Cameron has even answered questions about the issue in Prime Minister's Questions.

Steve Acheson, spokesperson for the Blacklist Support Group (and blacklisted electrician from Manchester) said:
'I was one of thousands of building workers have been blacklisted for standing up for our most basic legal rights at work.  These multi-national companies have deliberately victimised me because I was a member of a trade union.  Thousands of lives have been ruined by this blacklisting conspiracy with the with the active support of the police, Special Branch and the security services. Now it seems that they were also spying on elected politicians.  When celebrities got their mobile phones hacked there was a public inquiry - where is our justice?'

BIG Blacklisting day in the Westminster parliament -
TUES 10th July 2012:
2pm - Scottish Affairs Select Committee investigation takes evidence into Blacklisting in employment.
6pm - Grand Committee Room - Blacklisting, bullying and shakedowns by Carillion.
7pm - Committee Room 7 - TUCG seminar chaired by John McDonnell MP - Justice at Work - including blacklisting.

Wednesday, 14 March 2012

Morality - The Herd Instinct of the Individual?


The issue of morals seems to have been on a lot of agendas lately. David Cameron virtually used the word as punctuation in his rhetoric on last year’s riots whilst more recently, those professional moralisers at the Church Of England trotted out Arch-Bishop Sentamu of York to challenge the government’s ‘moral authority’ as regards gay marriage. Meanwhile, Radio 4’s Moral Maze returned for a new series with its veritable orgy of moral dilemmas. I’ve already used the word five times in the first two sentences and that’s before we’ve even considered Bammy’s allegations of ‘moral bankruptcy’ against the British left on this very blog.
The Daily Telegraph’s Deputy Political Editor, James Kirkup, suggested that Cameron’s focus on morality in the wake of the riots, together with his promises to fix a ‘broken society’, would define his premiership, further asserting that in putting morality at the heart of his rhetoric, Cameron was swimming against the tide of perceived wisdom in contemporary politics, where ‘good’ or ‘bad’ are out of favour and institutional failure is deemed responsible for the actions of individuals, not the individuals themselves.
But good, bad and especially morality itself are such imprecise, subjective and potentially dangerous concepts that it is impossible to define any one of the three without some form of dissent. Why then do the likes of Archbishop Sentamu deem themselves fit to question the moral authority of others without even considering that their own authority, moral or otherwise, is essentially based on the curious notion that citing ‘the word’ of an invisible being allows them to dictate how others should live?
I don’t think that the issue of morals can help but be troubling to anarchists, being at once matter of individual freedom to choose and respecting the rights of others. But Bammy doesn’t seem to have given this a second thought, branding the ‘British left’ (whatever that is) ‘morally bankrupt’, largely, it seems, in light of a recent disagreement with Dave Douglass over Libya. If such a thing exists, aren’t all of us part of the British left to some degree - or has El Editorismo finally ascended to a higher plain?
So Barry has done his homework on this one, whereas the dog seems to have eaten Dave’s - I agree with his anti-NATO stance but wonder why the hell he used the Morning Star to back it up. There’s plenty of other ‘empirical’ evidence to suggest that ‘liberal humanitarians’ (as some interventionists have rather laughably rebranded themselves) are as blinkered when it comes to acknowledging ‘moral’ grey areas as their staunchly anti-intervention adversaries. I also wonder exactly how blanket allegations of moral bankruptcy directed at those who are against intervention in Libya differ from Tony Blair’s view of interventionism in the Balkans (another impossibly complex situation) as 'a new moral crusade’. Most troubling for me, however, is the notion that an anarchist can or should put themselves in a position of moral superiority over others, morality being, as it is, the favoured justification for all manner of authoritarian, oppressive and elitist behaviour
In fact, when it comes to the moral nitty-gritty, there is another argument here, one that is addressed by the American Indian activist Ward Churchill via the concept of ’metaphysical guilt’. Here, it is argued that ANY non-combative support for a cause, however passionately argued, vigorously undertaken or empirically researched is pretty much useless unless you actually embrace the cause as your own and uncompromisingly fight for it. So far, I don’t see the pro-intervention NAN boys setting off for Homs to take up arms alongside their favoured faction in the conflict or have the Bammy Column already left?
Churchill’s ideas are often deliberately polemical and challenging but if you’re going to open the mother of all cans of worms, that of morality, then you can’t be surprised when someone else’s view forces you to ask questions about your own. Unless you’re so sure that you’re right that you don’t need to consider any other views - surely the most dangerous position of all to find yourself in.
Nietzsche described morality as the herd instinct in the individual and Cameron’s sound bites on the riots certainly proved lush grazing for the bovine, convinced that the wolves of immorality were hot on their heels and all wearing new trainers. Meanwhile, Sentamu’s flock can be reassured that love is not , in fact, universal - it’s subject to the approval of a self-appointed moral elite and their imaginary friend (whether or not love requires marriage is, of course, also a matter of debate).
But in fact, Nietzsche is rather wide of the mark too, as a herd instinct implies a more natural compulsion, whereas morality is an entirely artificial construct. Indeed, the Stanford Dictionary of Philosophy suggests that:
“Morality” is an unusual word. It is not used very much, at least not without some qualification. People do sometimes talk about Christian morality, Nazi morality, or about the morality of the Greeks, but they seldom talk simply about morality all by itself.
But the Christians, the Nazis and the Greeks can’t all be morally ‘right’ because, after all, they seem to have absolutely nothing in common in terms of their individual moral codes. What they do all share, however, is a savvy patriarchal elite, all too aware of the power of so-called ‘morals’ in keeping the lower orders in their place. Surely then, anarchist morality, or perhaps more accurately, anarchist moralising, is not only oxymoronic in theory but, in practice, a waste of time and energy.