Showing posts with label Co-op. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Co-op. Show all posts

Sunday, 29 September 2019

ROCHDALE: THE LAST RITES*

 Is this the end for Rochdale Market?
by Trevor Hoyle
MY ten pen’orth, Brian, for what it’s worth, is that we’re decades too late to do anything about reviving Rochdale’s market. I have fond memories from the 50s of both outdoor and indoor markets — the latter especially where I used to buy ninepenny SF paperbacks from the book stall. A very warm and welcoming place, especially on a winter’s day.  Somebody told me that Todmorden’s market is very much how ours used to be, and that it’s a pleasure to visit. We tore it down and ripped out the heart of the town.

For some reason Bury has kept its market going over the years and even has coach parties coming from places like Stoke and  towns in Yorkshire to spend a day there. Any hopes that Rochdale can emulate that is pure fairyland.  When the council boasted that the Metro would bring in floods of eager visitors, my immediate thought was that the Metro would make it easier for Rochdale folk to escape to Manchester and Oldham. 

A few wind- and rainswept stalls on the Butts was never going to succeed, any fool could see that. A town centre that can’t sustain a McDonalds is on a hiding to nothing.  When I say I don’t know what the answer is, I’m really saying there is no answer.  We’re building, for god’s sake, another shopping centre when we have two that are half-empty to begin with — so then we’ll have THREE half-empty shopping centres (more like threequarters empty) which the rate-payers will be paying for for the next forty years. It’s madness. 

Over ten years ago (when I was involved with saving Touchstones from being massively underfunded by Link4Life) I put forward a strategy for the town based on its heritage of the Co-op, cotton and Gracie Fields. The idea was to turn our magnificent town hall into a cultural heritage centre with exhibits telling the story of cotton and the industrial revolution. Included would be a Gracie Fields Experience showing off all  the artefacts held in the museum archives of Gracie’s stage costumes, films, original recordings and her life story (like the one already in Touchstones but on a much grander scale). Also there would be a smaller John Bright display showing the furniture and books we have in the archive.

Alongside this you’d have the Pioneers store on Toad Lane — but greatly enlarged to include several shops and stalls done up as they were in the 1800s with shopkeepers dressed in costume.  The idea would be to focus on the cultural and historical romance of Rochdale’s past and let the commercial side take care of itself. If people started coming to experience it — via advertising and word-of-mouth — this would quickly feed through to shops and cafes opening up to cater for the visitors. The point here is not to build the shopping centre first — there are shopping centres everywhere — but to launch a genuine attraction that people want to visit and then tell their friends about.

Someone asked me if enough people would be interested in such a venture. I pointed out that the ‘grey’ pound of pensioners and retired folk amounts to billions in this country, and just such a historical heritage of cotton mills and Gracie Fields would appeal to that generation.  But it would have to be on a grand scale, worth the visit, designed and staged by a professional company, and not just a few tatty exhibits inside dusty glass cases. 

Anyway, it’s probably too late now to try this idea, we should have done it 10 or 15 years ago when I first suggested it.        

The last rites, in Roman Catholicism, are the last prayers and ministrations given to an individual of the faith, when possible, shortly before death. The last rites go by various names. They may be administered to those awaiting execution, mortally injured, or terminally ill.

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Wednesday, 24 January 2018

Mother Know's Best in Tameside's Labour Party

WHO will be the lucky Labour candidate to stand for Kieran Quinn's safe seat in Droylsden East, Tameside, if a by-election is held before the May local elections?

A spokesman at Tameside MBC told Northern Voices this morning that if a by-election is called, it should take place in either February or March

A Tameside source close to council politics has told us that the Labour candidate in the by-election is most likely to be Councillor Oliver Ryan's mother.  
 
It seems that Oliver's grandad is active in the ward's branch politics owing to his trade union background, and it seems she will be a shoe-in.  They seem to like to keep things in the family round here:  one of the current councillors in this ward is Susan Quinn (Lab Co-op) wife of Councillor Kieran Quinn.

Almost one third of the Tameside Council are married couples, couples, or a related to one another.  It is significantly suggested that Leigh Drennan's mother is also being lined up as a candidate for the safe seat of  Ashton Hurst., that's another mother and son duo.

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Friday, 29 September 2017

Problems of Selection in Rochdale Labour Party?

Editorial remarks:

THE statement of appeal below was sent to N.V. a few days 
ago by Stefan Cholewka, Secretary GMATUC and Secretary 
of  Rochdale TUC.  Both Mr. Cholewka, and Middleton Councillor Chris Furlong, both who haven't been selected for the 2018 Rochdale MBC elections, were critical of the municipal gravy train established under the leadership of the current Labour Party council boss Richard Farnell earlier this year.  
We could not possible comment as to whether this has anything to do with them failing  to get selected to stand in next year's local elections.  Hence, we have decided to produce Stefan's introduction and appeal statement below without comment.

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ALONG with Cllr. Chris Furlong from Heywood & Middleton CLP I have been rejected from the panel to stand in the LA elections in 2018.  I have formally appealed the decision to Andy Smith at NW Labour. An appeal panel will be held on Monday 2nd October.
I am posting my Appeal Statement see below
If comrades from Rochdale CLP support my statement / my candidature to be included on the panel please will you agree to sign the statement in order to support my appeal process.
You can email your support to: stefan.cholewka@btinternet.com. 

 Please include which  TUC / CLP ward you are in if applicable.

APPEAL STATEMENT
Stefan Cholewka: written submission for the Appeal that will take place on Monday 2nd October 2017 at 7.45pm
Venue will be: 45 York Street, Heywood, and Lancashire, OL10 4NN
On Sunday 17th September at 12.00 noon at Liz McInnes MP’s office at 45 York Street, Heywood, Lancashire, OL10 4NN I was told to go upstairs and await my panel interview as they were running late.  Three candidates were already in the upper office when I entered.  A further candidate arrived after me.
All four candidates preceded me in very quick succession.  I was the last candidate to be interviewed even though the fourth candidate turned up after I had arrived.  It seemed that I had been deliberately set up to be interviewed last.
Three Labour party members from Tameside council, one being the CLP secretary, interviewed me.  From the get-go I was subjected to hostile questioning that went on for nearly 50 mins.  This was in sharp contrast to the very short time it took to interview all the other candidates.
For every question I answered there were three to four hostile supplementary questions. It seems that being the secretary of GMATUC and local Rochdale TUC secretary can lead to a conflict of interest with LP policy.  I was asked specifically the question in different forms: What if TUC policy and Labour Party policy conflict?
These are extremely disquieting questions to be asked when it is Labour Party policy that all candidates and sitting Labour councillors have to be a member of a registered trade union to be eligible for office.
It seems that being a Co-operative Party member, more specifically: NW Regional Co-operative Party secretary and Rochdale Co-operative Party secretary can also lead to a conflict of interest with Labour Party policy.  I was asked specifically in different forms: What would I do if Co-operative Party policy conflicts with Labour Group policy?
I had already told the interview panel that I had already been included on the Greater Manchester Co-operative Party panel of candidates to be a Labour-Co-operative candidate for 2018.  I had also explained and that I had previously stood in Rochdale in the Spotland & Falinge ward, Balderstone ward and in West Littlleborough in 2016 as a Labour-Co-operative candidate in local government elections.
If there was not a conflict of interest then, why should there be a conflict of interest now? If I had been selected to stand on the panel at least seven times previously why was there no conflict of interest in all these instances?  I would like to know why questions concerning any conflict of interests - because I was a trade unionist and a co-operator - had not been raised in all previous occasions I had been interviewed accept this time?
Finally, being community activists can mean a conflict of interest with Labour Party policy as local residents may have different priorities from the Labour Group.  It seems that being Director Rochdale Community Energy CIC was an issue and that would conflict with Labour Group Policy.  This despite the fact that two serving Rochdale Labour Party councillors are also fellow directors.  Despite that fact that for two years a council environmental officer attended monthly meetings and reported back to the Council to develop joint collaborative projects.
I had already told the interview panel that I had already been included on the Greater Manchester Co-operative Party panel of candidates to be a Labour-Co-operative candidate for 2018.  I had also explained and that I had previously stood in Rochdale in the Spotland & Falinge ward, Balderstone ward and in West Littlleborough in 2016 as a Labour-Co-operative candidate in local government elections.
If there was not a conflict of interest then, why should there be a conflict of interest now? If I had been selected to stand on the panel at least seven times previously why was there no conflict of interest in all these instances?   I would like to know why questions concerning any conflict of interests - because I was a trade unionist and a co-operator - had not been raised in all previous occasions I had been interviewed accept this time?
Finally, being community activists can mean a conflict of interest with Labour Party policy as local residents may have different priorities from the Labour Group.  It seems that being Director Rochdale Community Energy CIC was an issue and that would conflict with Labour Group Policy.  This despite the fact that two serving Rochdale Labour Party councillors are also fellow directors.  Despite that fact that for two years a council environmental officer attended monthly meetings and reported back to the Council to develop joint collaborative projects.
So being trade unionists, a co-operator and a community activist far from making me an ideal candidate in the eyes of the panel interviewers was somehow perceived as negative attributes that cast suspicion upon myself.
It also seems that standing up to fascists marching in Rochdale is a bad thing as well.  The Tameside CLP secretary told me, immediately I had answered the very first question, that Rochdale MBC councillor's where banned from attending the two anti-fascist counter demos on two consecutive weekends in Rochdale.  So, I was asked why I had broken Labour Group policy, despite not being a councillor subject to the whip or even selected onto the panel at that stage.
They also did not like my campaigning on-line in support of the Palestinian people; specifically they did not like an on-line article I posted on the proposed changes to LP policy on Palestine coming before LP Conference.  I was told that I was attacking Labour Party policy.
Given that the article was discussing proposed changes to existing Labour Party policy and supporting the current policies I was rather puzzled as to why I should be accused of attacking Labour Party policy.
Clearly, these lines of hostile questioning had very little to do with answering the 20 prepared questions that were written down for the panel to ask me.
At the end of the interview process, or should I say inquisition, I asked the panel if they thought that I had actually broken Labour Party policy, and if so which ones, given that they seemed to be very strongly suggesting that I had already done so.  The answer I received was “NO”.

Stefan Cholewka
Secretary GMATUC - Secretary Rochdale TUC
Secretary NW Region Co-operative Party Secretary Rochdale Co-operative Party
Director Rochdale Community Energy CIC

Tuesday, 3 January 2017

The Leeds Soviet – 1917!

by Christopher Draper


HISTORY's most remarkable social experiment began one hundred years ago. As the Russian war effort disintegrated, autocratic Czarism was abolished and a revolutionary SOVIET system substituted.  Soviets were collectives of workers and soldiers organised to end the war and radically democratise Russia.  In March 1917 (February in the old Russian calendar) the PETROGRAD SOVIET led the revolution and despatched a four-man delegation to England to encourage British workers to follow their lead.  On 3 June 1917, over a thousand workers’ representatives met at LEEDS COLISEUM, Cookridge Street to emulate their Russian comrades and organise a British network of ”extra-parliamentary Soviets with sovereign powers”. 

Powder Keg
The War Cabinet was worried.  A strike started at a Rochdale engineering company already affected 48 towns and involved over 200,000 workers.  Colonial Secretary Edward Milner confided fears about the Leeds Soviet to the PM, 'this Convention will begin to do for this country what the Russian Revolution has accomplished in Russia…and I fear the time is very nearly at home when we shall have to take some strong steps to stop the rot in this country unless we wish to follow Russia into impotence and dissolution.'

Breaking the Mould
Convened by the “United Socialist Council”, the Leeds gathering included delegates from Trades Councils and Unions, local Labour Parties, the British Socialist Party and the Independent Labour Party as well as independent Socialist Societies, Women’s organisations, local Co-ops and assorted Peace  Groups.

The Yorkshire Evening Post more colourfully described the congregation as, 'a heterogenous crowd of Pacifists, republicans, Pro-Germans, Socialists, Industrial Unionists, Syndicalists and Anarchists.'

With the anarchist movement divided over Kropotkin’s support for the war, both factions nevertheless welcomed the Russian Revolution.  Despite issuing no formal invitations to anarchists, libertarian ideas received full expression from delegates disenchanted by the compromising, careerism of professional Labour Party politicians and Trade Union Officials.  

Four Steps to Heaven…
There were just four resolutions to be voted upon at Leeds, with no amendments permitted. After speeches and debate, all resolutions were enthusiastically supported. They were (in abbreviated form);
a)  'This Conference of Labour, Socialist and Democratic organisations of Great Britain hails the Russian Revolution'
b)  'This Conference...shares with the Provisional Russian Government…the pledge to work for an agreement with the international democracies for a re-establishment of a general peace…a peace without annexations or indemnities'
c)  'This Conference calls…for full political rights for all men and women, unrestricted freedom of the Press, freedom of speech, a general amnesty for all political and religious prisoners…'
d)  'The Conference calls upon the constituent bodies at once to establish in every town, urban and rural district, Councils of Workmen and Soldiers…'

Delegates, Messages and Speeches
An opening message was read to the delegates from an army unit recently returned from France:
'We should very much like to see the establishment of a society on lines similar to those of the Council of Soldiers and Workmen in Russia for we are quite convinced that the great majority of men in the Army are in sympathy with the Russian aims (Cheers).'

Ramsay MacDonald, Noah Ablett, Ernest Bevin, Charlotte Despard, Bertrand Russell and Tom Mann all made stirring platform speeches but the pithiest comments came from Willie Gallacher, Sylvia Pankhurst and Fred Shaw of Huddersfield.

Gallagher presciently advised delegates that the Russian Revolution was far from settled.  Their Russian comrades, 'have the biggest fight on, not against the capitalists of Russia but against the capitalists of other countries who have determined that the Socialists of Russia have to be beaten back.  Give your own capitalist class in this country so much to do that it will not have time to attend to it.'

Sylvia Pankhurst underlined the inspirational importance of solidarity amidst the senseless carnage, 'I am very glad to feel that at last we shall come out of this slough of despond and that the workers will be united in common action'.  She saw Soviets as, 'a straight cut for the Socialist Commonwealth we all want to see'.

Fred Shaw expressed shop floor enthusiasm for 'WORKERS AND SOLDIERS COUNCILS' 'As one of the rank and file I support this resolution because of its revolutionary possibilities. The time is ripe for the working classes to take things into their own hands and follow Russia. This war has driven out of the minds of the workers many of the old middle-class ideas about the State.'

The Next Step
The Leeds Convention set dates and venues for regional follow-up meetings to create a national network of a dozen 'SOVIETS' or 'WORKERS AND SOLDIERS COUNCILS (WSC)'.

The NORTH comprised 3 SOVIETS or WSC, based respectively at Newcastle (“North East Coast”), Leeds (“Yorkshire”) and Manchester (“Lancashire, Cheshire & North Wales”).

As soon as dates and locations were advertised for these founding meetings there were serious problems. Leeds Council had already created difficulties for the June Convention by cancelling the organisers’ original booking of Leeds’ Albert Hall. Delegates were also turned away from Leeds hotels despite having reservations and many had been forced to sleep overnight in railway carriages. When the Government learned of the outcome of the Leeds Convention they determined, in Milner’s memorable phrase, “to take strong steps to stop the rot”. As a result only 3 of the 12 WSC Districts were able to successfully organise meetings without suffering cancellations, bans, violence or arrests and none of these were in the North.

Stopping the Rot - Leeds
When the August date of the follow-up Leeds WSC meeting was announced no specific venue was advertised prompting gleeful press speculation that no-one was prepared to provide a venue for the occasion. Refused once again by the local authority, the press crowed, “the local pacifists must surely have been at their wit’s end to find a hall or they would never have taken the course of asking the Corporation to grant them the use of the Town Hall”.

The Government was even more at its wit’s end that the Council might finally relent so it stepped in and peremptorily banned the meeting under the draconian provisions of DORA (“Defence of the Realm Act”). “His Majesty’s Secretaries of State, in pursuance of Regulation 9a of the Defence of the Realm Regulations…do hereby prohibit the assembly of persons for the holding of a meeting to promote Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils which is proposed to be held in the City of Leeds on Saturday 25th August 1917 or on whatever other date it may be proposed the same.”

Selection of a Yorkshire delegate to the Central WSC had to then be conducted by postal ballot. David Blythe Foster, a founding member of Leeds Tolstoyan Brotherhood Workshop was duly elected.

Stopping the Rot – Newcastle
The Newcastle WSC meeting was one of the first advertised, 'Saturday 28th July, 3pm, Newcastle Town Hall'.  Then Newcastle Council stepped in and cancelled the booking.  Fortunately the local committee were able to secure an alternative, though smaller venue, Newcastle Central Hall for the same date.  As the Daily Mail reported, it was a lively meeting:
'Violent scenes were witnessed at the conference in Newcastle promoted on Saturday afternoon promoted by the Workers and Soldiers Council… The platform party was about to take their seats when several interrupters broke into the meeting and it was found that the doors had been rushed by a crowd of noisy demonstrators following a succession of free fights.  Mrs Despard made a successful effort to restore order but by that time a young Navy man and others who had mounted the platform endeavoured to address the meeting.  One of the interrupters who wore a gold stripe on his civil uniform divested himself of his coat and baring his arm showed a wound and shouted, That is what I got for fighting for traitors. Colonial soldiers afterwards stormed the platform and a wild scene ensued, during which there were violent altercations and free fights on the platform…It was found impossible to continue the meeting.'

Ashington miner, George Henry Warne, was subsequently selected by postal ballot as the District’s delegate to the Central WSC 

Stopping the Rot – Manchester
The Manchester WSC meeting was scheduled for Saturday 11th August 2.30pm at Milton Hall, Deansgate. By then, violent attacks by soldiers on WSC meetings were commonplace and it was clear this disruption was tolerated if not encouraged by civil authorities who prosecuted the victims rather than the perpetrators. The possibility of such violence was cynically exploited by the authorities as an excuse to cancel WSC bookings.

When Manchester Council banned the Deansgate meeting the booking was quietly transferred to Stockport Labour Church in the hope of avoiding disruption – no such luck! “Lively scenes were witnessed at Stockport on Saturday afternoon at a meeting to elect a delegate to the Workers and soldiers Council. A hostile crowd attempted to rush the hall…Footpaths to the hall were chalked, This way to the traitors’ meeting. On leaving the hall the delegates were set upon on all sides, the women smacking the faces of their pacifist sisters…stalwart men looked most humiliated as they were bowled over and battered on the ground…the rioting continued for over an hour.”

Charlotte Ann Findlay was eventually selected as WSC delegate. She had little political profile but her husband was a well-known lecturer at Manchester University and campaigner for progressive education.

Cracking the Convention
The State’s determination to prevent the Sovietisation of the British labour movement exacerbated pre-existing cracks in the fragile workers’ coalition. Reservations about the whole SOVIET project were expressed at the Leeds Convention by Joseph Toole, who claimed, “There are already sufficient organisations to do the work which has been outlined – Trades Councils, local Labour Parties, Socialist organisations and various other organisations. Russia and this country suffer from entirely different sets of circumstances”. Toole and his fellow Labour bureaucrats, MP’s and Councillors resented intrusion into their petty fiefdoms. The national Labour Party directed members not to have anything to do with the WSC initiative and the Government piled on the pressure. 

In July 1917 the War Cabinet decreed that no soldier must play any part whatsoever in any WSC and to counteract the anti-war appeal of the Soviet initiative the Cabinet agreed to pour government money into building a nominally “independent” national network of pro-war groups under the umbrella of a “National War Aims Committee” directed by the spy and novelist, John Buchan.  When Prime Minister Lloyd-George spoke for the NWAC on August 4th he exemplified this anti SWC obsession, assuring listeners :  'The Nation has chosen its own Workmens’ and Soldiers Committee (cheers) and that is the House of Commons. We cannot allow sectional organisations to direct the war or dictate the peace (cheers)'.

According to David French (OUP) “The Metropolitan Police’s Special Branch MI5 and Military Intelligence were directed to watch militant trade unionists, peace and anti-war campaigners and socialist activists and isolate them from the rest of the organised labour movement and armed forces.” “By Spring 1917 MI5 had compiled 250,000 cards and 27,000 personal files, going well beyond the estimated 70,000 adult enemy aliens resident in Britain at the outbreak of war.” (Christopher Wrigley).

Voice from the Trenches
Despite the best efforts of the authorities some brave soldiers continued to organise WSC. The Midlands’ WSC representative Private Charles James Simmons(CJS), 2nd Worcester Regiment proved most determined. The Government could hardly brand CJS a disloyal coward as he’d volunteered for the army four years before war was declared and had served in uniform ever since. Severely wounded at Vimy Ridge, one of his legs had to be amputated below the knee and he was sent home as unfit for service but “of good character”. As an evangelical Christian and Socialist CJS fearlessly voiced his conscience and back home in England in 1917 Private James tirelessly campaigned for the WSC in the press, on the streets and on repeated tours around the North.

On Saturday 29th September 1917 the Rochdale Observer reported:
'The campaign that Private C J Simmons has been conducting at Rochdale has been brought to an abrupt conclusion.  On Tuesday he was warned by the police against speaking on account of the nature of his remarks the previous evening but the soldier paying no regard to the caution addressed a large gathering.  Private Simmons should have spoken at a similar meeting at Town Hall Square on Wednesday evening. Mr J W Chadwick, who was in the chair, was in the act of calling on the soldier to speak when two military policemen appeared and arrested him.'

Simmons was held in Rochdale police cells overnight before being taken under military escort to incarceration at Chester Castle. After his case was raised in Parliament he was released and discharged from the army in November 1917.  'Ex-Private Simmons” immediately resumed his anti-war campaigning.  Returning to Rochdale the following month, the local Socialist Society advertised his talk in the “Pioneers Assembly Room” with the strap line, “We sang the Red Flag to him last time. Come and sing it with him this time”!

Continuing his tour into the new year, “Ex-Private Simons” got as far as Burnley before in March 1918 the authorities caught up with him again and he was charged under DORA (“Defence of the Real Act”) that, “On the February 21st he did by word of mouth, at the Cooperative Hall, York, make statements likely to prejudice the training, discipline and administration of His Majesty’s Forces”!

Sentenced to three months hard labour at Leeds’ ARMLEY GAOL he was subsequently employed as an ILP organiser and advised conscientious objectors at military tribunals. By then the authorities were confident they had the militants under control.

Wot no Revolution?
Lance Corporal Dudley was initially more effective than even Private Simmons in declaring a Soldiers’ Soviet at Tunbridge Wells on 24th June 1917!  Representatives of half-a-dozen battalions cooperated with Dudley in approving a Soldiers’ manifesto and declaring a WSC.  The Tunbridge WSC proved short lived as an acting Brigadier rigorously enforced military discipline and dispersed the units with Lance Corporal Dudley promptly posted to active service in France. 

Despite all these interventions by the end of September 1917, all dozen WSC districts had managed to elect delegates to the central body. At the beginning of October Britain’s formally constituted national “WORKERS’ AND SOLDIERS’ COUNCIL” met for the first time.

The central WSC subsequently published a seven point programme laying out its formal objectives. It’s sufficient to consider the first to realise how far the body had retreated from its initial revolutionary ambitions; 
'1. THE WORKERS’ AND SOLDIERS’ COUNCIL has been formed primarily as a propaganda body, not as a rival to, or to supplant,  any of the existing working class organisations but to infuse into them a more active spirit of liberty.'

After expressing six more similarly pious hopes the programme added, “A Sub-Committee is preparing a manifesto on A Plea for a People’s Peace and a vigorous campaign is about to be inaugurated”!

The authorities must have been quaking in their boots! “A Plea for Peace” and “A Vigorous Campaign” disturbed no-one. The Grand Old Dukes of the Labour Party and Trade Unions had stifled the movement with bureaucracy whilst the State had exerted its customary range of repressive measures.  Militants were conveniently constrained by red-tape and the movement emasculated.  The resultant WSC programme so lacked vigour and inspiration that that the delegates never even bothered to reconvene.

Lessons from History?
Besides Private Simons only two other WSC delegates fought on for militant socialism, Sylvia Pankhurst in East London and John Maclean on Clydeside. Of the three Northern delegates, both David Foster and George Warne became run-of-the-mill Labour Party MP’s whilst the third, Charlotte Findlay simply returned to political anonymity (her husband made two unsuccessful attempts to become a Labour MP). 

Private Charles James Simmons also represented Labour as an MP but as the Oxford ONB records, 'Simmons was considered a firebrand by political opponents and allies alike…critical of the Chamberlain government for its rearmament policy, failure to support Republican Spain and appeasement of Hitler.'

After Lenin’s November 1917 coup-d’etat Russian Soviets were subordinated to the Diktat of the Bolshevik Party and the four delegates of the Petrograd Soviet, Genrikh Erlikh, Iosif Goldenberg, Alexander Smirnov and Nikolair Rousanov sent to Britain became persona non-grata in Russia. Iosif
Goldenberg, an ex-Bolshevik critic of Lenin perished in 1922, Smirnov and Rousanov emigrated and survived whilst Erlikh emigrated to Poland only to be executed on Stalin’s orders in 1948.

The Russian Revolution was an experiment that failed and Lenin no more than a mad scientist.  Paul McCartney is right and Sylvia Pankhurst was wrong, there is no “straight cut to the Socialist Commonwealth”, only “a long and winding road”. 

Christopher Draper – January 2017

Tuesday, 2 August 2016

Charities that use Benefits Claimants as Free Labour, named and shamed!


The names of hundreds of major companies and leading British charities who used a benefits scheme to employ people without paying them have been revealed after the government lost a four-year legal battle to protect their identities. The list, includes firms such as Tesco, Nando's, Boots, Superdrug, Morrisons, Asda, Co-op, WHSmith, Poundstretcher, Cash Converter, DHL and a host of other major corporations. And it also includes charities such as the British Red Cross, Age UK, Cancer Research, Marie Curie, the National Trust, Oxfam, the RSPB, the Salvation Army and Shelter.
Read more: Independent, http://tinyurl.com/hbu2ahs

Thursday, 9 June 2016

Herbert Stockton’s Strangeways


(Northern Anarchist Lives – 6)
Christopher Draper

HERBERT Stockton was one of Victorian Manchester’s most effective preachers and Anarchy was his religion. After converting his sister and brothers to what he called the 'One true faith' all four teenagers led local Salvationists and constabulary a merry dance. Perhaps his dad was inadvertently to blame for he was an embittered old soldier employed as a prison warder at Strangeways where, in 1893, Bert was incarcerated as a reward for his evangelism.  Although Bert’s name occasionally crops up in the biographies of others, until now his fascinating life story has remained untold. 

Bert’s dad, William Stockton (1839-1914) served for seven years on St Helena as a Sapper with the Royal Engineers until, 'He received a severe injury to his hand while employed on the Public Works on the 11th February 1867.  Having been accidentally caught in the machinery of a crane, three of the fingers of his right hand were permanently injured.'  An army Court of Inquiry concluded he was no longer fit for service and awarded him a non-residential 'Chelsea Pension'.  Although he’d laboured as a bricklayer with the Engineers, William was forced through invalidity to accept security work, initially as a prison warder and subsequently as a 'safe deposit attendant' 

In 1869, William met Liverpool-born Julia Farrar and the pair set up house together at 14 Armitage Street in the Ardwick district of Manchester where Bert was born on 15th July 1870.  Eleanor arrived the following year with Ernest (25.5.1874) and William (19.5.1875) completing the family. The children attended Armitage Street School before settling into careers: Herbert, mechanic; Eleanor, tailoress; Ernest, engraver and William, carver-gilder. Aged eighteen Herbert was the first to rebel and was soon assisting seasoned anarchist William Bailie, in June 1889, establish a new speaking station at Harpurhey.  Accompanied by Bailie and Alf Barton, Herbert soon made a name for himself.  At the beginning of August Commonweal newspaper presciently observed, 'Stockton has only lately begun speaking but promises to develop into a good speaker.'

Over the summer of 1889 Bert worked with Manchester comrades in “assisting the cap makers – men, women and girls – to form a union which is very much needed in this industry, where sweating is the order of the day.” In the autumn, the Manchester group supported strikers at “Berry’s Blacking Works.” Bert and his Socialist League (SL) comrades also attended the “Working Men’s Educational Club” at 122 Corporation Street where members assembled every Tuesday at 8pm.  'The branch entertained Kropotkin at the club on November 7th, when a most enjoyable evening was passed.'  Three weeks later, 'William Morris lectured for the branch on the Class Struggle. The lecture was well received; brisk discussion followed; lecturer replied amid enthusiastic applause.'

At the end of 1889 the lease expired on the old clubrooms but in February 1890 Bert and his mates announced ambitious plans:
'Suitable premises have now been secured for the new Socialist Club.  It is our aim to make it a centre for Socialist propaganda in Lancashire.  A library, reading, recreation and refreshment rooms will be some of its attractions.  Aid is invited from friends who can assist either with fittings, furniture, books or funds. The Club, 60 Grosvenor Street, All Saints, is now open for members every evening. Commonweal and other literature is on sale.' 
The following month, “on Monday 31st March Edward Carpenter lectured at the Club on the Present and Future Society”, but outdoor propaganda wasn’t forgotten.  Every Sunday the branch lectured on libertarian themes at Phillips Park gates at 11am and in Stevenson Square at 3pm and Herbert usually spoke at each venue. 

On Sunday June 15th, Herbert Stockton was a key speaker at 'a large and most enthusiastic meeting' in Stevenson Square organised by the Branch 'to protest against the Freedom of the City being conferred on H M Stanley at which the following resolution was unanimously passed:'
'That we, citizens of Manchester, in mass meeting assembled, recognising that H M Stanley’s invasion of Central Africa has brought death and destruction upon the natives and that the object of his mission is to introduce into those regions the system of commercialism which means the economic slavery of the workers of this country, the only benefit of which will be to the speculating capitalists who can no longer make large profits out of British labour hereby indignantly protest against the action of the City Council in offering the freedom of our city and paying honour at our expense to this modern hero of Christianity and Commercialism whose civilising agents have been fire and murder, the elephant-rifle and the gallows…The meeting terminated by singing the Marseillaise and giving three hearty cheers for the Social Revolution and three groans for Stanley.'

This pattern of street corner lectures, occasional large scale events and contact with anarchists both local and national nurtured Bert’s political development.  Branch morale dipped a bit when William Baillie emigrated to America in the Spring of 1891 but Herbert responded positively, expanding his own contribution and in May 1891 crossing the Pennines to lecture for Leeds SL. Everyone’s spirits were lifted on August Bank Holiday Monday when SL members from all across the Midlands and North 'met at Matlock for an outing and social intercourse… No better institution can exist than one or two of these social gatherings for putting fresh life and go into the breast of any daunted propagandist…We climbed, sang and boated till tea,.. merriment being at the climax all through.” The Branch also opened a new social centre, 'the International Club, 25 Bury Road, Strangeways, open every evening'. 

By that time the national Socialist League, Stockton’s Manchester Branch and Bert himself were all converts to the anarchist cause with scant affection for state-socialism. Before the end of the 1891 Bert and his comrades called themselves 'The Manchester Anarchist Group (MAG)'  and regular reports of their activities appeared in the Anarchist-Communist newspaper Freedom. 

When a bunch of anarchists were lured into the Walsall bomb plot by a police agent in 1892 Bert was amongst their most active supporters.  A Handsworth insurance agent, Joseph Cavargua wrongly arrested as a suspect was declared guilty by the press merely on the mistaken basis that “he was a member of Manchester Anarchist Club”.  On Sunday 17th April 1892, Herbert spoke out alongside David Nicoll, John Bingham and Alf Barton at a huge Walsall defence meeting in Stevenson Square but to no avail.
In 1893, Stockton had converted all his siblings to anarchism and with missionary zeal Bert carried the torch into the heartlands of opponents, lecturing Salford’s Marxist SDF on February 17th on, “Why I am an Anarchist” and on April 8th debating with a Temperance Reformer on 'Marriage'.  In June, young William Stockton followed his older brother’s lead with an outdoor lecture in Manchester on, “The Fallacy of Political Methods.”  But, encouraged by the success of their Walsall sting and the subsequent imprisonment of Commonweal editor David Nicoll, police began to crack down on the Manchester anarchists but first there was an opportunity for fun. 

In August 1893 anarchists from Manchester, Sheffield, Derbyshire and Leicester all travelled to Monsal Dale to enjoy fellowship, fresh air and the free exchange of political ideas:
'We roamed through splendid mountain and river scenery and forming in a group close to a waterfall, we sang revolutionary songs amidst the splashing of the water. The effect was enough to arouse the enthusiasm of all hearers. Thus without government, policemen or social democratic would-be political despots everything passed off harmoniously.  There being no authority we went where we liked and rambled in groups along the river banks till we came to some boards which said on them, Trespassers Will be Prosecuted. We held a discussion as to the meaning of the words and finally decided that they were relics of the Antedeluvian period and thought it best to knock the boards down and throw them into the river.”  After afternoon tea the comrades gathered for an al fresco conference “under the hill” where a fund was started to provide for Nicoll on his release, arrangements were agreed to “get the released Chicago Anarchists over here and to hold a big demonstration in the North…We then proceeded to the station and liberally posted it all over with little notices, such as Anarchy no Master; Revolution not Reform; Read COMMONWEAL; Read FREEDOM; etc. Then we went home after giving our comrades a hearty cheer for Anarchy and the Social Revolution.' 

On Sunday October 1st, the arrests started as soon as the anarchists gathered at Ardwick Green and Bert’s brother, Ernest Stockton was amongst the four anarchists fined 21s each the following day.  Barton also had to pay for a replacement umbrella for Inspector Caminada after the copper wrecked the original in assaulting him!  Despite many more arrests the anarchists’ free speech campaign was maintained into the new year and the umbrella incident exploited for comedic purposes.  

To the tune of “Monte Carlo” the anarchists composed a twelve verse ditty entitled, “The Scamp Who Broke the Gamp at Ardwick Green, O

'Caminada showed his valour by knocking people down,

And using his gamp well,

Good citizens to fell,

He collared all the Anarchists and marched them through the town,

And put them in the Fairfield station cell.' 

'And he walks along the street with an independent air,

The people all declare,

He is a scoundrel rare,

His head is Wood,

And is no good,

Except to provide the pigs with food,

The scamp who broke his gamp at Ardwick Green, O.' 

Bert’s sister, Eleanor participated in the 1893 campaign and was arrested. Bert was arrested twice at Ardwick Green, on Sunday 29th October and again on Sunday 12th November. The first time he paid the 40s fine but the comrades couldn’t afford to keep paying out so on the second occasion Bert spent a month in Strangeways Prison where his dad was a warder.  The authorities won the war of attrition and diverted the anarchists elsewhere although they gained support from a few independent-minded individuals.   Dr Sinclair, a member of Manchester City Council, denounced the Watch Committee’s prejudice:
'The Anarchists seemed to have been treated more as Scuttlers than what they really were – a party of misguided young men airing their opinions.'
Fellow Councillor Canon Nunn defended prejudice and added his own bizarre recommendation that Manchester Anarchists 'substitute cricket or football for firing pistols at a target in a Deansgate slum'.  Bert exposed this calumny with a letter in the Manchester Advertiser. 

A few grassroots socialists supported MAG, but at the February Independent Labour Party National Conference in Manchester, 'several motions were submitted declaring in effect that the party had no sympathy with the Anarchists.'  Labour was already on the electoral march and desperate for respectability.  In March 1894 Ernest lectured at Walsall in support of the continuing campaign and Bert’s activism continued.  His weekly meetings at Philip’s Park and New Cross generally attracted audiences of 500 to 800, but his attention was temporarily distracted by 22 year-old, Salford born, Emily Bradney, who in the summer, he married at Chorlton register office. Eleanor, Ernest and William weren’t far behind in getting married, with Nellie teaming up with Alf Barton and Ernie keeping his relationship secret. 

In July 1894, Bert was involved in a deadly 'molehunt' with David Nicoll denouncing, in print, the prominent anarchist Henry Benjamin Samuels as a police spy.  Nicoll’s accusations met with a conspiracy of silence. Herbert Stockton’s efforts to convene a formal anarchist tribunal were also rebuffed.  Bert didn’t press the point and rather left Nicoll hanging out to dry.  It wasn’t Bert’s finest hour but it didn’t shake his commitment to the cause and besides his regular Manchester lectures in 1896 he travelled to Liverpool where he delivered 'interesting lectures to large and attentive audiences, with very good results'.  By then Herbert was recognised by the movement as a popular speaker who could draw in large audiences, and towards the end of 1896 he was lured down to London where he immediately made a distinctive contribution to the November, 'Chicago Martyrs Commemoration'; “Men of science, fame and workers have already spoken but I am going to speak on behalf of the nobodies…”  

Word soon spread that Bert was in town and when the Stratford Grove anarchists appealed in the pages of FREEDOM for “some help with speakers” they specified – 'if possible (John) Turner or (Herbert) Stockton'.  'On Monday February 5th (1897) Comrade Herbert Stockton delivered a lecture on Anarchism v. Commercialism' at Christchurch Hall, Spitalfields which defined his brand of anarchy.  Bert claimed Individualist Anarchism, Social Democracy and Capitalism amounted to the same thing – “based on making people work and be good through material reward – Anarchist Communism alone striving for a system of society where man would act well to his fellows for the pleasure he would derive by it and he would work through his being interested in it.' 

In April, Bert and Anarchist-Communist comrades organised a 'Commemoration of the 26th Anniversary of the Proclamation of the Commune of Paris' that, for once, included a great deal of constructive debate. Charles Quin emphasised that, 'The Communards were the first body of Workingmen to fight against governmentalism and the first who were not merely nationalist. It was not possible for any government to bamboozle all the people all the time… Government was but the shadow of their own fears thrown upon the mist of ignorance.” “Touzeau Parris said that some very striking reasons had been given for the failure of the Commune. One was that the country people did not understand what the Parisians were about. That might not be the trouble in England…but even here in London they must not forget that…the mass of the people were not with them…till the mass of the people knew what they were going in for revolt would only bring trouble and perhaps disgrace.'  'Herbert Stockton, while agreeing in the main with Touzeau Parris, deprecated the Social Democratic idea that they must not do anything till they were all in line and got the word to move. When men had got the spirit of revolt within them they could not wait for the millions of lazy devils behind but would act as their nature dictated.' 

In November, Bert chaired the November Chicago Commemoration but it produced more heat than light.  'Comrade Leggatt vowed eternal war against the present system of Society' whilst Frank Kitz reminded the audience 'how much better it would be if the Highlanders of Danghai instead of climbing the heights of the frontier of India and murdering men with whom they had no quarrel were to make a stand for their own homes in the hills of Scotland.'  French revolutionary, Georges Etievant, newly arrived after five years imprisonment for supplying explosives to Ravachol, then added his own pearls of insurrectionary encouragement (two months later he returned to France, stabbed 2 policemen, shot another and was imprisoned for life). 

Bert and his fellow Anarchists-Communists frustrated by the yawning gap between their revolutionary ardour and the slow, compromising reality of the English working class organised a London Conference for the 26th and 27th December to review and reorganise their activities.  Frank Kitz chaired the first day, Bert the second and the problem of print propaganda was a hot topic.  'Frank Kitz insisted on the usefulness of a leaflet propaganda by which the modern Socialist movement in England was begun…it reaches those who cannot buy a paper and might be started at any moment without causing the constant anxiety and hard work connection with the production of a paper.' 
Bert and a band of his associates weren’t to be quieted by new initiatives, which in any case were never carried out, and spiritedly laid into the one anarchist initiative that had endured. 'FREEDOM was described as a philosophical middle-class organ, not intelligible to the working classes, not up to date in late information and…less revolutionary than Comic Cuts, Ally Sloper and Sam Weller. It was edited and managed by an inaccessible group of arrogant persons, worse than the Pope and his seventy cardinals and written by fossilised old quill-drivers.'  

Throughout 1898, Herbert Stockton was living in London and headlining at revolutionary events like the Paris Commune Celebration and Chicago Martyrs Commemoration. Returning to Manchester on a short visit in July, 'our old and much-missed comrade Stockton' was feted as a celebrity.  Whilst relishing the revolutionary comradeship Bert was losing touch with the tragically moderate aspirations of ordinary workers. Perhaps Ernest Stockton was also unduly influenced by the metropolitan atmosphere when he visited Bert with his young wife, Louisa, and even younger sister-in-law, Esther. The newspapers relished Ernest’s resulting divorce, 'on the grounds of his incestuous adultery with petitioner’s sister…While in London petitioner thought her husband and sister were too free and on their return to Manchester petitioner’s mother shared that opinion and boxed Esther’s ears.'
Ernest’s infatuation with Esther proved as short-lived as his love for anarchy and he emigrated to New York without either and aged thirty-nine married another teenager. 

In 1899 Bert and his family returned North and settled in Sheffield with his sister who’d married Alf Barton. Together, the trio revived the local libertarian cause and in July 1899 FREEDOM reported that “the Sheffield Monolith once more resounded with the hum of successful Anarchist meetings.” Ignoring national policies, grassroots state-socialists could be comradely and when, in September, Bert embarked on a “ground-breaking” mission to Mexborough “they had a very successful meeting and received good help from the local ILP.”  Bert and Alf concentrated on anti-war activism in 1900 but the jingo’s were out in force and Herbert Stockton’s last recorded letter to FREEDOM reveals feelings of melancholy and defeat:
'Yes our propaganda has fallen on evil times. Who could have foreseen this ten years ago? Anarchists, Socialists are nothing nowadays…We must watch and wait and drift a bit perhaps…I send heartiest wishes that you may all long be spared to keep a “good heart” in the “one true faith” the hope of the ultimate

triumph of which alone makes life at present endurable viz: human liberty and happiness – Yours rebelliously, H STOCKTON.' 

When Billy MacQueen, an old comrade from his early Manchester days was arrested in America in 1902, Bert solicited money for his defence fund from his home at 39, Hammerton Road, Sheffield but in truth he’d lost hope.  Alf and Nellie remained iconoclasts but joined the ranks of State Socialists.  Nellie was big in the Coop movement and pioneered the white poppy as a peace symbol. After flirting with Communism, Alf became a Labourite and backed Britain’s involvement in WWI. 

In 1905 Bert moved back to Manchester and forgot all about the “one true faith”. His youngest brother William had abandoned hope decades before but after Britain declared war on Germany Herbert Stockton turned heretic and volunteered to kill for his country. Bert sailed from Southampton to Le Havre on 15th August 1915 and served with the army in France until May 1919. He was never again politically active and died in Levenshulme on Thursday 18th February 1937, aged 66.   

For Peace, Love & Anarchy

Christopher Draper
(nb This is the 6th in a monthly series of “Northern Anarchist Lives”. 
Next month, “Everton’s Tolstoy”)

Saturday, 23 April 2016

Trouble at the Co-op!


Did you know our Co-op is at risk?

THE Co-operative has always been different. It’s always been owned by its members, which means that it’s not just another grey PLC with the usual disinterested shareholders. 
Because it is owned by its members, we have always been able to trust it. 
That is why we – and this includes many Unite members who work in it - don’t want that change. 
However, while all eyes are on May’s elections and the EU referendum, the Co-operative Group is once again calling a vote that would change the Co-op forever – but not for the better.  
Starting this week, millions of individual members of the Co-operative Group will have a vote on whether or not to continue their historic partnership with the Co-operative Party. 
If you’re a Co-op member - if you shop or bank at the Co-op - a ballot paper could be arriving any day either in the post or by email. 
On behalf of your union, Unite, I urge you to vote to Keep it Co-op and vote in favour of motion 12. 
We believe that if support for the Co-operative Party comes to an end there will be one less voice in Parliament speaking up for our communities and one less organisation telling big business it can’t have it all its own way.   
So whether you are eligible to vote or not, please sign up at the ‘Keep it Co-op’ website to call upon the Co-op Group to maintain its radical, progressive roots, with a democratic voice for its members and staff, and a powerful voice in changing politics. 
It’s vital we ensure that voice remains. Last year, thousands of people rallied around, voting resoundingly to keep the link between the Co-operative Group and the Co-operative Party. 
Let’s ‘Keep it Co-op’ again. 
Yours in solidarity, 
Len McCluskey
Unite general secretary