Showing posts with label Socialist League. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Socialist League. Show all posts

Monday, 1 July 2019

BREXIT – an anarchist guide

 by Christopher Draper
1 The EU is a bad thing
  • Only Guardian readers regard the EU as a kindly club linking the lives of European citizens. In reality the EU is a profoundly undemocratic instrument of multinational corporations organised to overwhelm the defences of local communities against predation by untrammelled capitalism.
  • Like all advanced capitalist enterprises the EU offers an array of “incentives” to complicit politicians, lecturers, news agencies and other assorted pipers who play their tune.
  • It is not a federation as EU laws do not pass UPWARDS to Brussels from local or national assemblies but DOWN from Brussels to be rubber-stamped into UK law.
  • EU policies redeploy workers around Europe in service of a single multinational market with no concern to create or maintain sustainable local communities.  Post-Communist Romanian industry and agriculture was considered “overmanned” by the EU so Romania was invited in and a third of its workforce lured abroad, driving down local wages elsewhere and leaving behind “lean” farms and factories as rich pickings for EU “investors”.
  • Politics shouldn’t be run by remote bodies and individuals living lives far removed from those they adversely affect.  The EU is anathema to anyone who values localism. “EU Regional Policy” is a fig leaf, a distraction from the glaring effects of EU economics – cash galore for capitalist hubs like London, Paris,  Brussels, Frankfurt etc and the transport links between – whilst most of our local economies and communities are devastated.

2 Brexit or Betrayal?
  • Parliament claims to represents the people.  Anarchists believe Parliament is a mere distraction device, diverting fundamental opposition down harmless channels.
  • To contain increasing opposition to the EU, on 9th June 2015 Parliament voted by 544 to 53 to hold a National Referendum.
  • Government spent £9,300,000 publishing a glossy 16-page pro-EU propaganda booklet delivered to every household in the UK. This gave dire warnings against voting for Brexit; “Voting to leave the EU would create years of uncertainty and potential economic disruption. This would reduce investment and cost jobs. The Government judges it could result in 10 years or more of uncertainty…” (pg. 8).
  • The booklet advised voters, “The EU referendum is a once in a generation decision” (pg.16) and assured us, “This is your decision. The Government will implement what you decide” (pg.14).
  • The referendum held on 23rd June 2016 offered a simple, stark alternative, either – “Remain a member of the European Union” ( ) or “Leave the European Union” ( )
  • Thirty-three and a half million people took part, the largest ever vote and more than double the usual turnout for UK Euro elections. Most voted “Leave the European Union” (16m stay, 17.5m leave).
  • On the 29th March 2017 Parliament voted by 498 to 114 to trigger “Article 50” and exit the EU by 29th March 2019. It was a dishonest act of utter hypocrisy.
  • MP’s are almost without exception wedded to the Corporate Capitalist system of which the EU is a cornerstone, a system rejected by voters yet most MP’s are determined to subvert the referendum result and continue business as usual.
  • It truly is the “Hotel California” syndrome. At best, Theresa May’s pitiful “Agreement” means we nominally check out but can never leave without the permission of the EU!

3 Fooling all the People all the Time?
  • Back in 1884 William Morris and his anarchist chums parted company with erstwhile comrades who insisted there really is a Parliamentary road to socialism. Morris and his newly founded Socialist League warned that Parliament offers nothing more than a career ladder for fake socialists and a smokescreen for the rich and powerful. Plus ca change.

Sunday, 17 March 2019

BREXIT – an anarchist guide

 by Christopher Draper

1 THE EU is a bad thing
  • Only Guardian readers regard the EU as a kindly club linking the lives of European citizens. In reality the EU is a profoundly undemocratic instrument of multinational corporations organised to overwhelm the defences of local communities against predation by untrammelled capitalism.
  • Like all advanced capitalist enterprises the EU offers an array of “incentives” to complicit politicians, lecturers, news agencies and other assorted pipers who play their tune.
  • It is not a federation as EU laws do not pass UPWARDS to Brussels from local or national assemblies but DOWN from Brussels to be rubber-stamped into UK law.
  • EU policies redeploy workers around Europe in service of a single multinational market with no concern to create or maintain sustainable local communities. Post-Communist Romanian industry and agriculture was considered “overmanned” by the EU so Romania was invited in and a third of its workforce lured abroad, driving down local wages elsewhere and leaving behind “lean” farms and factories as rich pickings for EU “investors”.
  • Politics shouldn’t be run by remote bodies and individuals living lives far removed from those they adversely affect. The EU is anathema to anyone who values localism. “EU Regional Policy” is a fig leaf, a distraction from the glaring effects of EU economics – cash galore for capitalist hubs like London, Paris, Brussels, Frankfurt etc and the transport links between – whilst most of our local economies and communities are devastated.

2 BREXIT or BETRAYAL?
  • Parliament claims to represents the people. Anarchists believe Parliament is a mere distraction device, diverting fundamental opposition down harmless channels.
  • To contain increasing opposition to the EU, on 9th June 2015 Parliament voted by 544 to 53 to hold a National Referendum.
  • Government spent £9,300,000 publishing a glossy 16-page pro-EU propaganda booklet delivered to every household in the UK. This gave dire warnings against voting for Brexit; “Voting to leave the EU would create years of uncertainty and potential economic disruption. This would reduce investment and cost jobs. The Government judges it could result in 10 years or more of uncertainty…” (pg. 8).
  • The booklet advised voters, “The EU referendum is a once in a generation decision” (pg.16) and assured us, “This is your decision. The Government will implement what you decide” (pg.14).
  • The referendum held on 23rd June 2016 offered a simple, stark alternative, either – “Remain a member of the European Union” ( ) or “Leave the European Union” ( )
  • Thirty-three and a half million people took part, the largest ever vote and more than double the usual turnout for UK Euro elections. Most voted “Leave the European Union” (16m stay, 17.5m leave).
  • On the 29th March 2017 Parliament voted by 498 to 114 to trigger “Article 50” and exit the EU by 29th March 2019. It was a dishonest act of utter hypocrisy.
  • MP’s are almost without exception wedded to the Corporate Capitalist system of which the EU is a cornerstone, a system rejected by voters yet most MP’s are determined to subvert the referendum result and continue business as usual.
  • It truly is the “Hotel California” syndrome. At best, Theresa May’s pitiful “Agreement” means we nominally check out but can never leave without the permission of the EU!

3 Fooling all the People all the Time?
  • Back in 1884 William Morris and his anarchist chums parted company with erstwhile comrades who insisted there really is a Parliamentary road to socialism. Morris and his newly founded Socialist League warned that Parliament offers nothing more than a career ladder for fake socialists and a smokescreen for the rich and powerful. Plus ca change.

    *********

Thursday, 28 September 2017

Charles Mowbray - anarchist revolutionary &

  Forest Gate-unemployed champion
by John Walker
CHARLES Mowbray (1856 - 1910) can lay claim to fame to be one of Forest Gate's most controversial political figures. He was an anarchist, who mixed with the Who's Who of the British political left in the last two decades of the nineteenth century and married the daughter of a Paris communard. 

He was imprisoned for inciting riots and spent some time politically agitating in America, from where he was deported.  He ended up in Forest Gate, with his third wife and children, working on Tariff Reform for the Tory party. This is his story.

Charles Wilfred Mowbray was born at Bishop Auckland, Co. Durham in  late 1856 and as a young man served in the Durham Light Infantry. He worked most of his life as a tailor. He married Mary, with whom he had five children (Charles, John, Richard, Grace and Frederick) in 1878.  Mary Mowbray turns out to be a minor political celebrity, being the daughter of the French Communist Joseph Benoit, who'd been active in both the 1848 revolution and the 1871 Paris Commune. She ended up with a huge funeral, locally at Manor Park cemetery - see later.

Charles Mowbray  didn't leave much record of his first contacts with revolutionary ideas, although his obituary in the Shoreditch Observer in December 1910 sheds some light. It described him as:

Once a sinewy, athletic black-haired determined man with the blazing eyes of a fanatic and a tempestuous eloquence that stirred many an open-air meeting. He became a socialist nearly thirty years ago, and joined the Socialist League.
He read widely and moved to London, living in the notorious Boundary Street (the Old Nicol) slum in Whitechapel, in the 1880's.  It is there his revolutionary politics began to flourish, as he came into contact with socialists, anarchists and communists living in the area, greatly politicised by many of the Jewish immigrants who had fled the pogroms in Russia and were determined to organise politically - from afar.

 As his obituary mentions, he joined the Socialist League at its foundation in 1884 - the organisation most closely associated with Walthamstow-born William Morris - and he described himself as an "anarchist/communist".  He became a prominent street corner speaker/political agitator, calling for rent strikes and fairer treatment of workers. He was popular with fellow tailors in the area, and has been called: "One of the greatest working class orators who ever spoke in public".


Walthamstow's William Morris, with
 whom Mowbray joined political
 forces with in the 1880's
When the police began to harass open-air meetings in 1885, he was one of those involved in a major agitation in Dod Street and Burdett Road in Limehouse in September of that year. 

On 20 September, following this meeting, he was beaten by the police there and arrested for obstruction along with other speakers.

William Morris felt that Mowbray "had done the most" but he was set free.  The publicity and outrage created by the arrests meant that 50,000 people turned out in support at Dod Street the following Sunday.


A court sketch of Mowbray,
 at one of his trials
He was again arrested at a free speech rally in Trafalgar Square on 14 June 1886 and was fined £1 with costs.

For more go to:   www.E7-NowAndThen.org, @E7_NowAndThen 

Sunday, 13 November 2016

Sheffield Anarchist on Trial



by Christopher Draper
“At the Yorkshire Winter Assize, before Mr Justice Grantham, Robert Sykes Bingham, 40 years of age, provision merchant, a respectably-dressed and intelligent looking man, was indicted for having at Sheffield, on December 22, 1889, encouraged and persuaded divers persons to murder one James M’Loughlin.”

Nobbling the Nobsticks
BINGHAM was an anarchist whilst M’Loughlin, his alleged target, was a 'nobstick', the local term for a blackleg. Sheffield had a tradition of deterring blacklegging by violent direct action, frequently involving the use of explosives. Although 1889 was two decades since the end of the 'Sheffield Outrages' the authorities were determined to prevent a resurgence of militant unionism.

Robert’s Story
Born in 1849, Robert Bingham’s birthplace of Norton was still very rural although just five miles south-east of the smoke blackened centre of Sheffield. Small scale workshops had sprung up in the area, powered by the rivers and streams flowing down from the Peak District and this unique blend of small-scale workshops amidst sublime natural beauty persuaded John Ruskin to back a cooperative scheme enabling skilled craftsmen to continue to work the land.

Established in 1877, Ruskin’s 'St George’s Farm' colony attracted practical socialists. Although living nearby, the youthful Robert Sykes Bingham was initially more impressed by the republican ideas of the radical Liberal MP, Charles Dilkes.  In 1871, Bingham organised Dilkes’ security for a huge public meeting held at Leeds’ Victoria Hall.  When determined royalists tried to disrupt and wreck the meeting, in the words of the Sheffield Independent, 'He called on the Stewards to follow him into the crowd but they did not. He went alone. He was seriously manhandled.'  It was Robert Bingham’s baptism of fire.

No Hammer or Sickle
As a scythemaker, Robert’s dad was exactly the sort of skilled craft worker that Ruskin hoped to attract to his 'Guild of St George' social reform movement but Ruskin’s ideas proved more attractive to Robert and his siblings for both his brother John and sister Louisa, also became anarchists. Although all three shared advanced social ideas none was attracted to either making or wielding scythes, and all three settled for retailing groceries.

Robert was most entrepreneurial and at various times all three worked together at branches of a chain of grocery stores that he owned and managed.  Of course it wasn’t all plain sailing and in 1873 Robert was in trouble with the law and fined £10 and costs for selling adulterated lard. In 1876 he was back in court and forced to hand over another tenner, this time in damages to labourer William Ollerenshaw whom he’d carelessly run over in his horse drawn delivery cart.

In 1881 Robert’s grocery empire was in dire financial straits and he was pursued by creditors. Fortunately he found suitable backers, continued in business and remained a grocer for the rest of his life.

The Grocer and the Carpenter
Edward Carpenter, the pioneering gay libertarian, who lived nearby was a friend of Robert’s.  In 1885, the pair campaigned together for an independent radical candidate, Mervyn Hawkes, who stood for Irish Home Rule, free education and “root and branch land reform”.

The following year the nucleus of this group started the 'Sheffield Socialist Club' with a libertarian manifesto composed by Carpenter but with Robert as one of the original signatories. John and Louisa, by then married to a drunken bully named George Usher, joined soon after. 

Café Society
To promote the cause, Bingham and his comrades persuaded William Morris to visit Sheffield and deliver two lectures in the Secularist Hall, on Sunday 28th February 1886. Morris was pleased with the result though the Sheffield comrades resolved to remain independent and not affiliate to Morris’ 'Socialist League'. In March 1887 club members invited Kropotkin to Sheffield and he lectured, “to a considerable audience, which consisted mainly of the working classes”. 

Initially Robert and his chums met at the Wentworth Café in Holly Street and hired halls for public meetings but with Carpenter’s backing they were able to acquire their own spacious premises, the old debtors’ jail in Scotland Street.  They created a 'Commonwealth Café' on the ground floor and a meeting hall on the floor above.

Carpenter fondly recalled these early SSC years:
'We organized lectures, addresses, pamphlets, with a street-corner propaganda which soon brought us in amusing and exciting incidents in the way of wrangles with the police and the town-crowds… A dozen or twenty at most formed the moving and active element of our society - though its membership may have been a hundred or more; and these disposed themselves to their various functions.  Mrs. Usher, large-bosomed and large-hearted, would move on the outskirts of our open-air meetings, armed with a bundle of literature.  She was an excellent saleswoman and few could resist her hearty appeal "Buy this pamphlet, love, it will do you good!"  Even in the streets or the tramcars the most solemn and substantial old gentlemen fell a prey to her.  Her brothers, the two Binghams, were among our two speakers, and both of them pretty effective, the one in a logical, the other (Robert) in a more oratorical way.  They were provision merchants in the town; and their business suffered at first, but afterwards gained, by the connection.'

Anarchy in the Air
In those halcyon days the Sheffield comrades marched happily together towards common goals but as the decade advanced political paths began to diverge. As late as the summer of 1889 Robert’s own politics were still fluid, as fellow club member, George Hukin frustratedly observed “(Robert) first of all goes in strong on one thing – say the eight hour day – and just when you think the meeting is going to settle about what’s to be done, he suddenly remembers that after all the 8 hours is only a palliative and it’s doubtful whether it’s worth our while to bother about it.” 

Everywhere miltant unionism was advancing, the successful strike action of the London gas-workers was rapidly followed by that of the dockers, lifting the spirit and ambition of the whole working class. In June 1889 it was the turn of the Leeds gas-workers.  When Leeds Council brought in scabs and the military to break the strike, workers fought back attacking both blacklegs and local worthies.

Whilst Carpenter’s closest confidants were chastened by the workers’ militancy, Robert was exhilarated.  All three Binghams, Robert, John and Louisa, along with the majority of club members were moving ever closer to anarchism. As propaganda activities intensified, more strident speakers were invited.  In November 1889 the fiery London anarchist Charles Mowbray came to Sheffield but, as Commonweal reported, William Morris was also invited.

'Comrade Mowbray addressed large meetings on Saturday (16th Nov.) at Penistone Street, West Bar, Gower Street, the Monolith, assisted by Bulas, Bingham, Carpenter and Sketchley.  Mowbray also addressed a meeting at the Hall of Science. At the monolith a police inspector wanted his name and address.  On Sunday evening we had a tea and social meeting, after which Mowbray lectured on “Revolution and Reform”.  On Monday a meeting was held at Gower Street of the workmen at Cammel’s Ironworks and also at the Monolith, Fargate.  No police interruption. At 8pm William Morris lectured to a good audience at the Cambridge Hall.  Commonweal sold out; 7s worth of literature; good collections.'

A Comrade in Need
When Fred Charles, an unemployed anarchist arrived in Sheffield in the autumn of 1889 Robert offered him a clerking job in one of his grocery shops. Charles enthusiastically joined Bingham’s band of militants and submitted this ominously revealing report to December’s Commonweal: 'Things are moving splendidly in this district. In addition to several meetings held during the week we have good meetings on Sunday – at the Monolith in the morning, Gower Street in the afternoon and the Pump, Westbar, at night. This morning a reporter was specially sent down to report our speeches to the Watch Committee of the Corporation and several rumours are about of various impending prosecutions by the police authorities…'

A speech about a local strike recently delivered at the Monolith by Robert received particularly close attention.  Twenty-eight men had downed tools at 'John Brown and Company’s' Sheffield works and the management replaced them with blacklegs.  The strikers responded by resurrecting Sheffield’s traditional treatment of “nobsticks” and the scabs complained to the police of being beaten up.   The reporter Fred Charles mentioned claimed Bingham had incited the strikers’ violence by his incendiary speech.

Confounding the Constabulary
The following February the reporter’s notes were read out in court and there was no disputing their accuracy;
'There is a little strike going on at Brown’s. These men are making a very just fight…The men who prevent them from winning, who are making the fight a difficult and unequal fight are the “scabs”…They are traitors to the cause . Men who did this sort of thing in war…would be taken and shot…it is not murder, it is killing a traitor.'

Unfortunately for the authorities, the reporter fingered the wrong Bingham brother and the charges against John were formally dismissed after witnesses established that John Bingham did not make the claimed speech nor had he ever delivered any public speech at the Monolith! 

The prosecutors were unabashed. It was conceded that, unlike his brother, Robert Sykes Bingham did regularly speak at the Monolith so the authorities simply substituted his name on an identical charge sheet and proceeded with the prosecution.  The judge gave the jury no doubt that it was their duty to convict, 'Mr Justice Grantham in summing up characterised the speech as strong, clear and positive incentive to murder, observing that if it was not so he did not understand the English language.'  The jury defied the judge and declared Robert, 'Not Guilty!'

1891 –the Year of Living Dangerously
Sheffield was fast gaining a reputation for anarchist militancy and Robert Bingham was encouraged rather than quieted by his failed prosecution. On the 15th of November 1890 William Morris, utterly frustrated by the absurd revolutionary posturing of the anarchist-communist faction, abandoned the Socialist League, warning, 'Men absorbed in a movement are apt to surround themselves with a kind of artificial atmosphere which distorts the proportions of things outside, and prevents them from seeing what is really going on' but Robert Bingham and his anarchist comrades were in no mood to listen.

There had long been ideological tension between Sheffield comrades but the final straw arrived just before Morris’s announcement in the form of roving Irish adventurer and insurrectionary anarchist, Doctor John O’Dwyer Creaghe.  Although Creaghe had only landed in London on 15th October, en voyage from the River Plate, he was immediately installed in the Sheffield anarchist group. Creaghe’s name, alongside Robert Bingham, appears on printed handbills advertising a public commemoration of the Chicago Martyrs held at Hallamshire Hall on 11th November 1890.  His impact on Bingham and Sheffield was immediate. 

By the end of January 1891, exhorted by Creaghe, Robert Bingham’s anarchist faction boycotted their old clubrooms, denounced their former socialist comrades and started their own anarchist club at Creaghe’s Westbar premises. They held their fiery propaganda meetings at the Monolith beneath a banner declaring, 'NO GOD, NO MASTER!'

Prior to Creaghe’s arrival, Bingham’s brand of miltant anarchism resonated with local trade union direct action tradition and sustained practical comradely cooperation with fellow Sheffield socialists. Robert, along with his brother and sister, was well known and respected in Yorkshire – which explains why he was acquitted by a jury despite being condemned by a judge. Under the incendiary influence of Creaghe all that went up in smoke.  In 1891 Creaghe initiated a series of campaigns that although nominally anarchist demonstrated contempt for the everyday opinions and underlying political consciousness of local workers

Aided by two other anarchist incomers, Auguste Coulon and Cyril Bell, in 1891 Creaghe published eight editions of 'The Sheffield Anarchist' .  A propaganda sheet that makes 'Class War'  appear moderate and sensible.  Where Bingham’s incitement was focussed, purposeful and rooted in local conditions, Creaghe’s propaganda was sweeping, arrogant and ultimately authoritarian.  Unfortunately Bingham and his otherwise sensible comrades were swept along by Creaghe’s sincere but inappropriate, devil-may-care attitude and ineluctably drawn into an illegalist political net.

Within a year Creaghe was drummed out of town by local workers who in August 1891 physically attacked and besieged the Anarchist Club.  The incumbents embarrassingly relied on police protection to save them from a working class mob who had smashed every single window in the building. 

Creaghe returned to Argentina leaving Bingham to lick his wounds and repair relationships with local workers but Fred Charles was not so lucky. Encouraged by Coulon, now proved to have been a police spy and agent provocateur, he’d been drawn into a bomb plot and jailed for ten years.  My own research leads me to conclude that Cyril Bell was also a state agent who curiously also departed for Argentina before the end of 1891. 

Voice in the Wilderness
From 1885 until 1891 the British anarchist movement had developed and grown until hubris caused anarchist-communists like Robert Bingham to promote tactics devised by the State and served up by agents like Coulon and Bell.  After 1891 British workers distrusted anarchists and direct action and backed labourism and electioneering.

Robert’s immediate task was to liberate Fred Charles and his fellow 'conspirators' from jail.  He energetically campaigned in Walsall and other Midland and Northern towns on behalf of the imprisoned anarchists but despite gaining widespread support from the labour movement the authorities were unmoved.  Shamefully, Robert received little support from local Marxists who told the local paper:  'In our judgement the Walsall prisoners had been properly convicted and we the Sheffield branch of the Social Democratic Federation, have no sympathy with the conduct of the prisoners'!

Fred Charles remained inside for 7½ years before his eventual release.  When Robert travelled down to Portland Prison, Dorset in November 1894 to visit Fred, the authorities refused him admission. 

Bingham doggedly continued to argue for anarchism and was grudgingly recognised by the local press as 'Mr Anarchist Bingham'.  When anarchist journalist David Nicoll was released from prison, Robert offered him a home in Sheffield.  Nicoll was incarcerated for accusing the police of framing the 'Walsall Conspirators' and revealing Coulon’s role in the affair.  With Robert’s support David Nicoll was enabled to publish several invaluable anarchist pamphlets during the three years he lived in Sheffield.

Let them Eat Bacon!
As an anarchist grocer, Robert attracted mocking comments from critics who thought anarchists should only survive in the impoverished cracks and crevices of society.  In 1894, a correspondent to the Sheffield Daily Telegraph ridiculed Robert’s anarchist-communism by suggesting, “Mr Bingham, by way of example, begin the sharing-out system by distributing his stock of bacon, hams and other provisions among his comrades.”  The sarcasm was unwarranted as Robert showed when police prosecuted the manager of the Mexborough branch of his grocery chain after he absconded with money out of the till.   Apprehended by Sergeant Forman, the prisoner, who expressed his sorrow for the offence, said, “I have been horse racing and mixing up in bad company”…  As the prisoner admitted his guilt, Mr Bingham did not wish to press the case.”

Pillar of the Community
Robert’s last libertarian campaign came in 1898 when he organised the UK speaking tour of the American libertarian, William Francis Barnard. Reporting on Barnard’s Bradford engagement, at Laycock’s Coffee House Lecture Hall, the anarchist journal Freedom observed that, 'his lecture on Government proved that government per se is exploitation'.  Enquirers were directed to Robert’s shop premises at Lady’s Bridge Buildings, Wicker, Sheffield.

Anarchism in England and Sheffield was by then but a pale shadow of its former self. Fred Charles and David Nicoll had returned to London and Creaghe’s adventurism had alienated Edward Carpenter who’d shifted into the state socialist camp and started a new Sheffield Socialist Club free from of anarchist taint. 

Robert Bingham eschewed the political manoeuvrings of the Sheffield Labourites and instead worked with the 'Young Liberals'.  When Robert died in July 1934 he was granted an accolade given to few other English anarchists, a lengthy positive obituary in his local newspaper, of which this is but an extract;
“The death has occurred of Mr Robert Sykes Bingham, known as the father of the Sheffield provision trade, also known as an ardent enthusiastic and determined political worker.
In his early days he experienced a great deal of the rough and tumble of politics. He regularly stood near the Monolith in Town Hall Square and talked advanced views to the crowds until the Monolith actually became to be known as Bingham’s Monolith…
He was a friend of many prominent people including William Morris, the poet and Prince Kropotkin, the Russian social worker (sic)…”

Christopher Draper – November 2016
(The eleventh in a monthly series of “Northern Anarchist Lives.”)

Saturday, 30 July 2016

Review of Anarchist Voices by Les May


Les May
THE current issue of Anarchist Voices was published last Summer,
and the review below was published on the 16th, September 2015.
In the light of recent violent events at Freedom Press we believe it is
worth re-reading.  Particularly in view of the light Harriet Ward sheds
on the views of Colin Ward's idea of what it means to be an anarchist.
IN his forward to the 1993 reprint of  George Sturt's The Wheelright's Shop E.P. Thompson wrote that the theme of his final contribution to the Socialist League's journal Commonweal in 1889 was unlikely to commend itself to 'the excitable anarchists who were then taking over the Socialist League'.

At different times Sturt referred to himself as a 'Revolutionary Socialist', an 'Anarchist' and a 'Communist'.  He earned his living as the owner of a wheelrights workshop employing eight skilled tradesmen and apprentices.  Such is the gulf between political dreams and the daily reality of earning a living.

Few of the essays in the Summer/Autumn 2015 Anarchist Voices are likely to commend themselves to the more 'excitable' brand of anarchist.   With a sub-title of 'A Journal of Evolutionary Anarchism' this is hardly a surprise.

Most of the eight essays are by people who knew Colin Ward or have written about his ideas, so together they form a memoir of Ward who died at the age of 85 in 2010.

Harriet, Colin's wife, paints a picture of someone completely lacking in affectation and whose chosen occupation meant he had to work very hard to make a living.  No wonder her piece is titled 'Colin Ward:  A Resourceful Man'.  As their visit to Orkney was some forty years ago I'll forgive her saying that the Neolithic settlement at Skara Brae was Pictish.

A long article by David Goodway discusses some of the sources which influenced Ward's thinking and includes extracts from some of them and from Ward's own writings.  One of these dealing with the rejection of 'perfectionism, utopian fantasy, conspiratorial romanticism and revolutionary optimism' demonstrates why Ward's ideas will find a such a warm home amongst less excitable anarchists.

Jonathan Simcock's editorial notes that many people would consider anarchist ideas 'extreme, foolish, impractical and ill thought out'.  So how do you get people to listen?  Christopher Draper essay offers one possible solution to this problem and starts from a recognition that most people are not interested in politics and are likely to be put off by an 'in your face' approach. 

'The Mud Girls' is a fascinating essay by Larry Gambone about a group  of Canadian women who construct buildings and walls from 'cob', an old but entirely practical technique of mixing subsoil, straw or other fibrous organic material and water, which is then laid in courses on a high foundation wall. Fascinating it may be but it also points to some of the limitations of Ward's ideas as I shall argue later.

At this point I had better come clean and explain that I get a mention in one of the pieces because the author used an example from my own experience to draw attention to questions about some of Ward's assumptions.  Entitled 'Dig where we stand' the essay by Brian Bamford is a critique rather than outright criticism of Ward's ideas though it does take a swipe at 'excitable' anarchists!

His examples include a ban on growing raspberries on allotments or 'the billy goat problem' and are unexciting, even mundane.  He doesn't use buzz  words like collective or empowerment, but the questions he raises are nonetheless very pertinent to the question of how Ward's ideas work in practice.

By this time I was starting to mildly sympathise with the 'excitable' anarchists and their complaint of Ward's ideas 'reeking of allotments' especially when I spotted the illustrations for the late Rory Bowskill's article 'All in the mind'.  As in 'Dig where we stand' this includes a deceptively simple question 'Can you imagine and describe what you would like to see replace the nation state?'.

And that is the problem.  Having read these essays I could not discern the 'shape', or what birdwatchers would call the 'jizz', of the Wardian world.  I can picture a world full of argumentative syndicalists and a brutish individualist world, but a comprehensive understanding of the Wardian world eludes me.  Is it really just about allotments and womens' collectives?  Are we back in the world of George Sturt's wheelwrights shop?

How do Ward's ideas scale?  What would a Wardian NHS be like (please don't refer me to 'The Peckham Experiment'), a Wardian railway system or a Wardian response to global warming?

I look forward to reviewing a collection of essays attempting to answer questions like these.  If you cannot imagine it you cannot live it.
__________________________
ANARCHIST VOICES:
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cheques payable to :
J. P. Simcock,
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postage & packing.

Thursday, 31 March 2016

A Liverpool Nut Case

The third in a continuing series by Chris Draper of, 'Lives of Northern Anarchists'.

Thanks to everyone who responded to the story of John Oldman and

feel free to add comments, info or criticism below.

by Chris Draper

IT was easy to spot a Victorian anarchist, he wore a black cloak with a tall hat and carried a fizzing bomb shaped like a bowling ball but William Hensby Chapman didn’t match the stereotype. He was better known for his nut pies, rational dress, bees and chess but was no slouch in the anarchy department. Chapman was a pioneer of William Morris’s 'Socialist League', founder and host of Liverpool Socialist club, anarchist street agitator, newspaper correspondent and recruiter of his son Edward to the cause. William Hensby Chapman was an anarchist practitioner of the “New Life”, a fascinating character who’s been ignored by historians ever since he disappeared in mysterious circumstances.
Born in Norwich in 1833 William moved around the country performing minor clerking and retail roles until in the 1860’s he settled down in Warrington as a live-in draper’s assistant. As soon as he secured suitable accommodation at 27 Golborough Street, Chapman was joined by his wife, Emily and their three boys, James, Edward and William. James, the eldest (born 1863) was employed as a clerk at a wireworks but died in the winter of 1884. This tragedy prompted William to fulfil a couple of long-held aspirations, signing up to Socialism and starting a food-reform business.
In 1886 William and his twenty-year-old second son, Edward Crook Chapman, joined the newly established Socialist League (SL). Chapman senior also donated a generous ten shillings to the SL newspaper, Commonweal, printing fund. William also opened, “Chapman’s Vegetarian Restaurant” at 1 Stanley Street (on the corner with Dale Street), Liverpool. In May 1887 the Vegetarian Society selected his restaurant as the venue for a 'banquet' to follow their national conference which was addressed by wholemeal enthusiast 'Dr T R Allinson'.
In an 1887 lecture William Chapman introduced his local 'Mutual Improvement Society' to 'Anarchism''He affirmed that the government of man by man was oppression; and defined the ideal of the Anarchist as absolute liberty and economic equality and independence, which meant the substitution in the place of political rivalry and class antagonism, of a society based on voluntary co-operation…Owing to the novelty of the subject, Mr Chapman was allowed to answer each question in rotation.'
Chapman’s anarchism wasn’t the narrow-minded insurrectionary “Smash-the-State” sort but a constructive, holistic politics that promoted positive alternatives as much as opposing exploitation and authority. He was a regular contributor to, and living embodiment of, 'The Dietetic Reformer and Vegetarian Messenger'.  Chapman was a Vice-President of the national Vegetarian Society, alongside pioneering animal-rights activist and libertarian, Henry Salt, and an active Committee Member of his local Liverpool Vegetarian Society (LVS). 
Meetings of the LVS were held at the restaurant and from time to time William gave lectures and cookery demonstrations to members and guests.  As the Liverpool Mercury reported in December 1894, 'the various dishes were handed around and partaken of by the audience and in every instance were most favourably received.  The various recipes used were widely distributed on a printed leaflet…showing people how to prepare nutritious and savoury dishes at a very little cost without the aid of flesh meat…large number attended and a very pleasant evening was spent.'   
Meetings at Chapman’s were invariably fun and the Liverpool Mercury typically observed that an 1896 meeting of the LVS featured 'a programme of music' and 'concluded with an amusing ventriloquial sketch.'  At another visit by the Society in February 1897; “After a sumptuous vegetarian repast, the company was entertained by an exhibition of Mrs Jarley’s Living Waxworks…The figures comprised 17 characters, representative of ancient and modern life and by their action when wound up, combined with the humorous description of their history by Mrs Jarley and her son, Mr Ebenezer Jarley, formed the source of endless merriment”!
The restaurant’s agreeable atmosphere doubtless contributed to the 'Lancashire and Cheshire Beekeepers Association’s' peaceful resolution of the tricky issue of their proposed 'split'.  Having been overwhelmed by their own success, the bee keepers convened at 'Chapmans' and happily agreed to form independent 'Lancashire' and 'Cheshire' County Associations to ensure their respective administrations remained small and friendly.
Chapman’s was also a popular venue with chess-players and the Mercury staged its annual Chess Trophy Competition there, 'Players will oblige by bringing their men with them: boards will be provided…Chess players who wish to win the trophy should try Chapman’s tea and coffee; an excellent 6d afternoon tea is always available.'
In 1894 the newspaper reported on Chapman’s pioneering of, 'Dress Reform in Liverpool''Mr W H Chapman, who occupied the chair was attired in one of the reform dresses sketched by the lecturer, Miss Hope-Hoskins.  It consisted of Irish tweed jacket and knickerbockers, made of pure, undyed wool, Jaegar collar, cellular underclothing, sandals and straw hat of novel construction… Her motto was Fashion without folly and elegance without extravagance… An interesting discussion followed and the lecturer was cordially thanked at the close of the meeting.'
'Rational Dress' sat comfortably alongside more spiritual concerns at Chapman’s and the venue occasionally hosted 'Gatherings' of the 'Liverpool and Birkenhead' apostles of the 'Light and Reason' movement of working class philosopher-poet, James Allen (1864-1912).  Despite his eclecticism William’s personal politics remained irreducibly anarchist, never ossifying into Marxism nor dissolving into Labourism. 
Chapman first tried to attract interest in the idea of starting a Socialist League branch in Liverpool in May 1889 but despite repeated appeals in Commonweal (on sale in the restaurant) it was months before there was enough response to convene a meeting at the restaurant on 17th September. William’s son Edward was appointed Secretary of the group that was constituted as an independent 'Liverpool Socialist Society (LSS)' rather than a branch of the Socialist League.  This suggests some recruits weren’t entirely comfortable with the Socialist League’s anti-parliamentary approach but this didn’t preclude comradely cooperation.  On the evening of October 1st Edward led a discussion which concluded with the members agreeing 'to commence work of a public character early in November'. 
By the end of the year LSS was confident enough to invite 'delegates and friends from societies in Lancashire and adjoining counties to a conference to discuss the desirability of united action.'  On the 11 January 1890 the conference took place at Stanley Street.  'Delegates were present from Sheffield, Salford, Blackburn, Rochdale and Liverpool…Comrade W H Chapman proposed, “That in the opinion of this conference it is desirable to form a Union of the North-Western Counties Socialists".'  This was passed with Edward Chapman appointed acting secretary of the Union.  It was further agreed to draw up a list of willing public speakers to facilitate the organisation of propaganda.  'At a later hour a conversazione was held, at which a number of pieces of vocal and instrumental music were rendered by members and friends and a most enjoyable evening was spent. W H Chapman superintended the arrangements for refreshments. On Sunday we held two open-air meetings.'
The following month both William and Edward debated with members of Liverpool’s Rathbone Literary Club, 'Is Socialism or complete Individualism likely to be the ultimate goal of human development?'  The Chapman’s proposed the former whilst local Tolstoyan anarchist John Coleman Kenworthy (a future biography) demolished the argument of one of their opponents. 
With support from comrades William was able to organise weekly outdoor Sunday morning (11.30am) lectures at the Mersey landing stage as well as indoor Tuesday night meetings at the restaurant.  The LSS maintained its unsectarian approach, including Fabians like the aptly named Hubert Bland in its programme.  In March William addressed a good crowd there, 'Numbers of dock strikers were present and applauded frequently.'  At the end of the month the LSS were proud to unfurl their new flag before a landing stage audience gathered to listen to a lecture from Edward Carpenter on, 'The Breakdown of Our Industrial System'. 
On Sunday 13 April 1890 'afternoon and evening, comrade William Morris lectured to good audiences at Rodney Hall on, The Development of Modern Society and,The Social Outlook'.  Chapman had expected Morris the previous November but he evidently proved worth waiting for as, 'papers and literature to the amount of £2 9s were disposed of.'  Morris’ Liverpool lectures fused the ideas of Ruskin and Marx with a dash of his own interpretation of Medievalism and were subsequently published in that summer’s 'Commonweal'. 
Chapman and Samuel Reeves were regular Sunday lecturers and on Sunday 11 May they were joined on the landing stage by 'celebrity' anarchist Charles Mowbray who was on a speaking tour of Lancashire  at the time. The following Sunday William’s son, Edward, reported that when the LSS group arrived at the landing stage , 'we found it occupied by a party of religionists from the YMCA who coolly told us to find another stand.  We determined to move them' and so whilst our speaker did his best, 'the rest of us made such a noise by selling the Commonweal and Justice and reading from the former that we eventually upset them…Thanks to the Christian intruders we had the largest meeting yet held.'
Significantly, in May 1890 LSS donated 3s 8d to the Commonweal Guarantee Fund suggesting that the group was both financially secure and generally sympathetic to the anti-parliamentary politics of the SL.  Even more significant was the decision to delegate William Chapman to the forthcoming sixth Annual SL Conference in London.  Held at the Communist Club, Tottenham Court Road, Chapman was elected to Chair the conference by the other fourteen delegates that included William Morris as well as anarchists Charles Mowbray, Max Nettlau, David Nicoll, James Tochatti, Frank Kitz, William Wess and Sam Mainwaring.  'When tea was over Mrs Tochatti sang a few revolutionary airs...Comrade Coulon (CD: a police spy!) gave La Carmagnole in French. In the evening the hall was filled with comrades who passed a very agreeable evening. The more enthusiastic carried on the festivities till the dawn of the day.'
The following Sunday found Chapman singing revolutionary songs on the Liverpool landing stage; 'The YMCA people again occupying our usual stand. We, however, took up our position back to back with them. While they sang hymns we sang the Marseillaise …the audience giving three hearty cheers for the social revolution.'  In June both Chapman senior (William) and junior (Edward) actively supported the successful strike of Liverpool tailoresses, addressing and encouraging the women and collecting monies and administering the strike fund. 
When the Trade Union movement held its twenty-third Congress in Hope Hall, Liverpool on September 1, Chapman issued a general invitation to any socialist attending to drop in at Stanley Street for a bit of comradely support for the union movement was generally still saturated with Liberalism.
Around this time William moved his restaurant a little way along Dale Street to occupy the commodious “Percy Buildings, Eberle Street” (now a gay bar with 'Liverpool Artists’ Club' upstairs). The LSS moved with him, subsequently holding its weekly indoor meeting at Eberle Street every Tuesday at 8pm. From these new spacious premises William Chapman also published revolutionary propaganda leaflets (“6d per 100 or 4s 6d per 1,000”). He composed a satirical, “STRIKE! POLICEMAN, STRIKE!”, song, to be sung to the tune of “Wait for the Wagon”.
“O STRIKE! Blue Peelers boldly.
And quit yourself like men;
Protect no more the robber class,
But leave them in their den.”
The song included a repeated four line, 'Strike down the Tyrants!' chorus as well as nine further verses. 
Unfortunately Chapman’s dynamic campaigning for the SL wasn’t replicated down south. As the LSS successfully promoted an inclusive, non-sectarian anti-parliamentary politics the London anarchists around Commonweal went the other way, effectively alienating first William Morris and then most of its other non-insurrectionary supporters.  By the end of 1890 Commonweal was in trouble and the SL was collapsing as a national organisation. LSS continued but as the appeal of the SL shrunk, Chapman’s politics appeared less viable to sympathetic unaligned socialists who began to drift ever closer to state-socialism.
Chapman sought encouragement from anarchist comrades in Sheffield in both 1890 and 1891 and mounted the soap box on both occasions but Sheffield soon followed London and fell under the influence of exaggerated class-war rhetoric. Having created havoc in Sheffield, manically militant anarchist John Creaghe decided to move on in November 1891 and ominously announced, 'I may be able to do something here in Liverpool'!  After writing off William Chapman as 'an academic Anarchist' Creaghe, fortunately, soon moved on again  leaving LSS intact but diminished.
In March 1892 'Mr Chas E Dodd read a paper before the Liverpool Socialist Society at their rooms, Percy Buildings, Eberle Street on The Socialist Way Out of Darkest England'.  It was a depressingly statist presentation. The very same month the Liverpool Mercury informed correspondent 'A.F’.', 'There is no branch of the Fabian Socialist Society in Liverpool, two attempts to start one having failed. For information about the Liverpool Socialist Society apply to Mr Chapman, Eberle Street.' 'A.F.' wouldn’t have long to wait for long-time SLL activist Samuel Reeves was about to take over as Secretary of the LSS and assert himself as an enthusiastically parliamentary Fabian.  The Chapmans didn’t abandon anarchism but their libertarian influence was soon swamped by a rising tide of servile state-socialist Labourism.  In October 1893 Blackburn journalist Jesse Quail reflected on the transformation, 'In Liverpool there was a local independent Socialist Society, but it dissolved itself some eighteen months ago and its members joined the Liverpool Fabian Society, which was then formed.' 
In 1893, both Chapmans made substantial donations to support anarchist Christopher Davis, imprisoned for smashing a Birmingham jeweller’s window and scattering valuables across the pavement as a protest against poverty and unemployment.  Despite the disappointment of the LSS William continued to supply practical as well as political support to the impoverished and in a period of economic depression in February 1895, 'During the past week about 100 free breakfasts have been provided daily at Chapman’s Vegetarian Restaurant but…it is Mr Chapman’s wish to provide two meals per day and he therefore begs to state that assistance, either goods or money, will be gladly received at 6 Percy Buildings, Eberle Street.'
Chapman helped local workers organise and in December 1895 his restaurant hosted a meeting aimed at establishing a branch of the 'National Clerks Association…After a discussion the nucleus of a branch of the NCA was formed and the members arranged to meet in the same room on Friday evening next.'
Cultural and political alternatives continued to flourish at William’s restaurant but it was lean years for Liverpool anarchism that would only reignite in the run-up to World War One and by then Chapman was no more. 
Beneath the headline, 'FERRY-BOAT MYSTERY', in January 1910 newspapers reported that, 'The Wallasey police are endeavouring to solve the mystery connected with the disappearance of Mr William Hensby Chapman of Liverpool, who kept a vegetarian restaurant. He has been missing since Tuesday and was last seen on board a ferry-boat at New Brighton. There were few passengers on the steamer, the night was dark and he was not observed to land either at Egremont or Liverpool. Subsequently a coat was found on the boat. Attached to it was a paper on which was written, Adieu Chapman. Mr Chapman was 75 years of age.'
Christopher Draper (“NORTHERN ANARCHIST LIVES -3”) 

Monday, 29 February 2016

Kate Middleton’s Anarchist Ancestor


The second in a continuing series by Chris Draper of, 'Lives of Northern Anarchists'.
Thanks to everyone who responded to the story of John Oldman and
feel free to add comments, info or criticism below.
THE Royal Family are parasites but Kate Middleton had one admirable ancestor; Edith Lupton, an anarchist. 
The paternal ancestors of the Duchess of Cambridge, were a prominent Leeds family and 'Luptons' attended Kate and Will’s wedding.  Curiously, Edith’s activism is always omitted from published accounts of the Lupton lineage (eg. Wikipaedia, Daily Mail, Daily Express etc).

Edith Lupton would certainly have livened up Kate’s wedding reception. In 1898 Edith was imprisoned for a month for disorderly conduct and assaulting a police officer.  Described in court as, 'well-educated, 56, an artist and social reformer', Edith denied spitting in the policeman’s face but explained 'that it was her custom to show her contempt for the force by going into the middle of the road and expectorating on the ground whenever she met a policeman.'

Born in Leeds in 1843 into a wealthy household, Edith’s father was a Unitarian Minister who chose not to practice his religious calling but instead rely on dividends from property and railway shares. When Edith was growing up, the family lived for a while in Whitby and then Chesterfield before returning to Leeds.  Edith was educated at home, initially by a governess and then by her father before training as an artist at the Slade in London.  In 1872 she was one of the first women awarded a silver medal for drawing by the University of London and went on to exhibit at the Royal Academy before returning north.

Edith was a feminist with an abiding commitment to children.  In 1882 she campaigned as the sole “Independent” amongst eighteen other assorted 'Church' or 'Liberal' candidates for the Bradford School Board.  Bradford’s MP, William Forster, had introduced the national system of compulsory state-education before assuming responsibility for the policy of coercion in Ireland. Edith’s libertarian instincts identified the continuity of this authoritarian approach.  She campaigned against state imposition and for local education and was duly elected with the second highest vote, beaten only by the Rev. Simpson who stood as the 'Catholic' candidate.  Supported by both male and female workers of Bradford, the local paper reported an interesting crisis of conscience experienced by one group of citizens fearing for their souls if they voted with their hearts, 'In Caledonia Street, some of the Catholic women, feeling an inkling to vote for Miss Lupton and not liking to openly support that body affected ignorance or illiteracy. When the returning-officer directed them to vote they declined to make a cross on the paper, saying they were forbidden to do so except for religious purposes and they went away without voting.'

Edith threw her heart and soul into community politics, intent on humanising the Bradford school system.  In February 1883, she organised a School Board Concert at the Mechanics Institute with songs, recitations and performances by the Bowling Brass Band.  In September she began a campaign to end compulsory homework for primary school children.  The following year she persuaded over fifty eminent physicians to sign a petition published in the Yorkshire Post that stated;

 'We, the undersigned medical men of Bradford, believing that evening brain-work is undesirable and frequently injurious to young children, most earnestly beg the board to give effect to the resolution passed at the recent meeting in St George’s Hall, to the effect that, Home lessons should not be enforced on children under ten years of age.'

In November 1884 Edith wrote a lengthy essay excoriating the state-school system that was widely reported by the press:
'She begins by saying that…a gross and ignorant tyranny has in the name of education risen up amongst us and it is time the nation opened its eyes to what is going on…She considers that not only are delicate children treated with what are at times barbarous cruelty but that the vitality of strong children is often seriously depressed by antiquated and ignorant modes of instruction.'

In the summer of 1887 Edith garnered the support of a dozen Women’s Suffrage Societies for a formal appeal to Queen Victoria, to support their campaign for political parity with men but to no avail.  Edith had come to recognise the limitations of local politics and polite petitioning and the undesirability of state-socialism.  Whilst she fervently opposed state schooling most of the labour movement celebrated it as a welcome advance.   

By November 1887, Edith had come to identify herself as an anarchist and spoke at Leeds alongside colourful local libertarian Greevz Fisher (the subject of a future essay in this series) at a public meeting presided over by Auberon Herbert.  'The Chairman said that on the subject they had met to consider that night they all had a great mistrust of State direction… First of all they were struck by the very remarkable thing they were doing in allowing a few gentlemen to sit in an office in Whitehall from which they shaped and directed the education of the whole people of this country.'

Edith didn’t stand for re-election to the School Board in 1888.  She did attend the annual conference of the 'National Society for Women’s Suffrage', at Manchester Town Hall and was duly appointed to the Executive Committee but she wasn’t impressed. Edith’s exasperation with the constitutional tactics of the Victorian suffrage campaigners finally erupted at the 1891 National Conference at Westminster Town Hall where it was widely reported that 'Miss Edith Lupton, rising in the body of the hall, moved an amendment practically taking the form of a vote of censure on the Parliamentary Committee.'   Why should women thank them when they had achieved nothing!   'The amendment was seconded but ruled out of order by Lady Sandhurst.'

In 1890 Edith moved down to London to agitate full-time for William Morris’s Socialist League (SL).  She initially joined the 'North London SL', which met every Wednesday evening off Tottenham Court Road, and she spoke at Hyde Park alongside anarchist heavyweights Sam Mainwaring and Tom Cantwell.   Over the summer of 1890 Edith lectured at a variety of Socialist League pitches in both central and east London before settling in south London, where her favourite pitch was New Cut, Southwark, which the SL’s newspaper Commonweal assured readers 'is as bad as any slum in the East-end”.  From the outset at New Cut, as Commonweal  reported, Edith was at home with the slum-dwellers, “Great enthusiasm shown by the people at both meetings.'

In August, Lupton attended a, 'Revolutionary, Anti-Parliamentary Conference' held at the Autonomie Club but her ideas didn’t go down too well.  'Miss Lupton believed in assembling the people in the streets; only by teaching them together could we infuse courage into them.  Revolt, too was generated in this way, as fire by the sharpening of flint against flint.  There must be leaders – (some cries of “No!”) – but they must arise when the time came.  Leadership was necessary – (renewed dissent) – but we must not plan it.  We must not make a trade of it; only we must be ready to utilise it when necessary.'   The dissent was ominous, Edith’s pragmatism would have been welcomed in previous years but by the autumn of 1890 the Socialist League had been taken over by an intolerant 'anarchist' faction, carried away by their own fiery rhetoric and determined to exclude all but true believers.  William Morris had already been squeezed out of the editorial chair and was soon to leave altogether and Edith’s card was marked.

Edith stuck to her guns and at the end of the month addressed a meeting of the SL at the Commonweal Hall in Holborn on the topic of, 'Woman'.  The result was pithily reported by the paper as, 'Animated discussion'!   A week later, Edith was arrested whilst speaking for the cause in Southwark.  On that occasion, Commonweal offered encouraging support and ridiculed the officers who accused her of being drunk and disorderly.  'Our uniformed friends had relied upon the loyalty of their divisional surgeon – perhaps thinking that an unprotected female would never dream of demanding to see him.  Both expectations were disappointed. Miss Lupton insisted upon her right and the very police doctor was compelled to certify that she was perfectly sober.'   Her case was dismissed.

The following Sunday the SL organised a demonstration in Southwark to protest at Edith’s arrest and, 'A large and enthusiastic crowd assembled encouraged the speakers and showed every sympathy with the meeting.'

In September, Edith, then living at 59 Selhurst Road, Thornton Heath, took over as Secretary of the South London branch of the SL and extended her range of regular speaking pitches to include Streatham and Battersea.  She teamed up for some of these talks with an especially appealing character called Robert Harding, the 'Peaceful Anarchist', who employed a range of innovative strategies to attract a crowd that often involved him being extravagantly chained to railings, lamp-posts and park benches to the anger and frustration of the police and further amusement of the audience. 

In early October Edith was advertised to speak alongside William Morris, Kitz, Nicoll, Mowbray, Louise Michel and other stars of the movement at a forthcoming commemoration of the judicial murder of the Chicago Anarchists but politics intervened.  Besides lecturing for the SL, Edith had been organising to liberate women from the dreadful working conditions of commercial laundries and with several other feminists had devised a scheme for creating Co-operative Laundries.  At the end of October a prospectus was unveiled in the pages of Commonweal:
'Our object is to put a stop to the “sweating” which so largely and increasingly exists in the laundry industry, to pay proper wages, to shorten the hours of labour, to provide comfortable and well-ventilated work-rooms and to raise the workers at the same time from the position of wage-slaves to that of owners of their own earnings.  We also make a special appeal to our comrades as women, for not only do women suffer as wage-slaves but as chattel-slaves also.'

Instead of supporting the plan, the paper’s new editors appended a critical footnote to Edith’s Co-op article, denouncing the scheme’s facility for raising capital by offering interest to subscribers.  This undermining of Edith’s efforts exemplified the narrow sexist approach of the editors rather than the practicality of Lupton’s scheme.  When Edith and her trio of co-workers defended their ideas in the Commonweal of 1st November 1890 the editors couldn’t resist having the last word but in doing so revealed their millenarian prejudice:
 'We have quite as much sympathy with the sweated laundry women as Miss Lupton, only we are not sure that co-operation, or even trade unionism will sweep their slavery away…nothing but the Social Revolution will raise the mass from the horrible misery from which most working-women suffer at the present time.' 

As 1890’s, workers were increasingly lured away from anarchism by electoral opportunism many comrades responded, not by patiently seeking to re-establish links but instead by retreating onto an ever diminishing island of revolutionary fundamentalism.  Nothing but an immediate destruction of capitalism deserved contemplation, all else was worthless palliative. Edith’s name was removed from posters advertising the Chicago commemoration and the South London SL dissolved.  William Morris spoke at the event but left the League soon after, yet Edith persevered.  The following spring, Edith recorded her occupation on the official census as, 'Lecturer for a Socialist League (Agitatress)'.   The feminisation of 'Agitator' was certainly significant and it’s likely the substitution of 'a Socialist League' for 'The Socialist League' indicated Edith’s distancing from the much diminished official SL organisation. 

Edith continued campaigning for laundry workers and by July 1891 twenty-seven trades councils were demanding action but to Lupton’s consternation it seemed the State intended to pre-empt the laundresses’ efforts to organise co-operative control of their industry.   Ironically, having already been rebuffed by the anarchist editors of the SL, Edith was in May 1892 derided by arch-statist, Eleanor Marx with similar prejudice.  When it appeared the State was about to control laundries, (as reported by Eleanor Marx):
 'immediately Mrs Fawcett the reactionary bourgeois advocate of women’s rights…who has never worked a day in her life, along with Miss Lupton, an anarchist (likewise a woman of the middle class), sent a counter delegation to protest against this intervention in woman’s labour.' 

Continuing her campaign for laundry co-operatives brought her into court several times in 1892 with fines imposed and two weeks in prison served.   Before the County Court in October Edith drew feminist conclusions:
 'Men are a miserable lot of curs, brought into the world to run down and denounce women and prevent them from obtaining their rights.  I have fought for women’s rights before and I will fight for them again.  I represent the poor washerwomen.'

In September 1893 under the heading, 'EDITH’S PRANKS', the Leeds Times reported:
'At the Marlborough-street Police Court, London on Monday, Miss Edith Lupton, a shabbily dressed woman, well known in London parks as a speaker was charged with being drunk and disorderly.'  Perhaps she was, for on that occasion Edith didn’t insist on a second opinion but neither did she give Mr Hannay, the magistrate, an easy time.  When Hannay asked if she had anything to say she replied, 'Nothing. I have had the honour of appearing before you three times and the last time I was here you punished me because I defended myself' – Mr Hannay: 'Surely you must be mistaken' -  Miss Lupton: 'Oh no. Would you like to hear your own words?'  –  Mr Hannay: 'Not particularly'. –  Miss Lupton: 'You told me that you would have let me off if I had not accused the policeman of telling lies and I made up my mind that when I next was brought here I would not say a word.'- Mr Hannay: 'Pay 10s.'

Edith kept on campaigning, and getting arrested, and as late as February 1898 she had a most erudite letter on 'Woman’s Suffrage' published in the Pall Mall Gazette but she was increasingly isolated, impoverished, ill-dressed and inebriated. In the indictment that opened this essay Edith was once again in Southwark Police-court charged with disorderly conduct and assault.   'Police Constable Reylance stated that he found the prisoner very drunk in Long Lane and she deliberately came up to him and spat twice in his face.  The defendant delivered an oration from the dock, quite in the Hyde Park manner. She had devoted her life to the poor and lowly.'   It was Edith Lupton’s last recorded act of rebellion.  In 1904, she died in Marylebone, impoverished and un-mourned.

For Peace, Love & Anarchy
Christopher Draper


Sunday, 31 January 2016

Mrs Wrigley’s Coffee Tavern in Oldham




by Chris Draper
NEVER mind Leningrad, Havana or Peking, the revolution might have started in Mrs Wrigley’s Coffee Tavern, Oldham. Every Monday night, at 7pm, Victorian socialists and anarchists gathered at Mrs Wrigley’s, in the Old Market Place, to foment social revolution.  Anarchist, John Oldman, of 57, Lansdowne Road, Chadderton, was the group’s leading light and his story, like that of most other activists outside London has never before been told.
John announced his intention of forming the group by speaking out and leafleting in Oldham’s Market Square on Sunday 14th June, 1885.  The following evening, Oldman, supported by comrade Bourne of Cheetham, founded Oldham’s 'Socialist League (SL)' group, although John didn’t need much encouragement as his activism stretched back a long way. 

Born in Norfolk in 1842, following in his father’s footsteps he worked on the land and was employed for a while on the Earl of Leicester’s Holkham Hall Estate.  Incensed by the injustice and inequality of rural life he later claimed to have, 'been an anarchist from boyhood and rejoiced to think that all his life he had been a notorious poacher'.  In 1870, Oldman upset the vicar and squirearchy when he publicly campaigned for Tittleshall Parish Reading Rooms to provide more than its narrow range of Tory newspapers.  He was rewarded with notice to quit from his landlord, the Earl of Leicester. 

When Joseph Arch, in 1872, started the 'National Agricultural Labourers’ Union (NALU)' Oldman rushed to assist and was immediately engaged as a union organiser although the press preferred to describe him as a 'a professional agitator', no doubt realising this was no 'old-school', time-serving compromiser.  The Ipswich Journal, spotted the revolutionary implications:
'If Mr John Oldman of Norwich tramps the county with his peculiar logic and teaches the labourers that the classes above them are their natural enemies, we must expect a strange and unpleasant change.'

Following a NALU recruitment meeting at Hollesley in August 1872, a report in the Journal showed Oldman’s politics went far beyond adding a few pence to labourers’ wages.  He insisted, 'it was the struggle of labour with capital…the labourers had been stuffed too much with Christian tracts…the law was not equal…the Earl of Leicester put on his wagons The Right Honourable The Earl of Leicester but it should be DISHONOURABLE for he had in one part of the county enclosed a piece of common land.'
On a more personal note, 'Mr Oldman related an anecdote of his father, 72 years of age being refused relief by the Board of the Guardians of the Poor.'   John’s impoverished father died the following year. 

The Ipswich Journal described John as, 'an active-looking man, 30 years of age, about middle height and of spare wiry build, he looks as if tramping the country would be of little or no trouble to him. He was respectably dressed in a long summer overcoat of dark material with light summer billy-cock hat…Mr Oldman has a great command of language and a stentorian voice.' 

Oldman went down well with the labourers but upset the landholders and a few days after the Hollesley meeting a letter was published in the Journal from a George Ling urging his fellow farmers to organise themselves, 'for the purpose of stamping out the Union Epidemic as they would the Cattle Plague and treat all Unionists as infected persons.'  Subsequent public meetings turned nasty. Despite Oldman’s appeals for calm the police were called to restore order at Braintree Corn Exchange in October 1872.  In November, a speaker was set upon and attacked at a meeting in Coggeshall but labourers continued to join the union which claimed 70,000 members within the year.

In May 1873, despite rumours that farmers had recruited London thugs to rough-up the crowd and the Volunteers had been instructed to ride them down, Peterloo-style, a meeting of over 2,000 agricultural labourers on Market Hill, Sudbury passed without serious incident.  Addressed by NLA President Joseph Arch and John Oldman, there was a minor sensation when a union representative revealed injuries he’d received the previous day after falling
mid-speech from a cart from which farmers had maliciously removed the linch-pin from a wheel.

Tramping the country as a labour organiser and journalist John Oldman sometimes described himself as a 'commercial traveller'.  In truth he combined any activity he could to finance his political mission, at one stage pawning his watch to raise a pound to keep body and soul together. Fortunately his partner, Rebecca Culling/ Oldman was a widow with money and employment of her own so the pair could afford to raise a family.  Whilst John continued agitating around the country his family moved north, first to Cheshire, in 1874, before settling in Chadderton, near Oldham, a couple of years later.

After John started the Oldham Socialist League, besides indoor meetings at Mrs Wrigley’s the group also organised outdoor events at the Curzon Ground and in July 1885 at the Old Market Place where William Morris was the advertised speaker.  After the police repeatedly cleared waiting crowds from the advertised venue, Oldman led Morris to Tommy Fields (the later market place) where a most successful meeting was held. As the SL newspaper Commonweal  reported:
 'Oldman  wound up proposing a resolution condemning the authorities for their interference with the right of public meeting.'
 But, just as his rural masters had earlier responded to Oldman’s activism with eviction, now the urban authorities prosecuted him for having the impudence to organise public meetings and imposed fines and costs of £1 16s 9d. 

An article in the local paper in September 1885 shows he wasn’t intimidated, 'The Oldham Watch Committee having prohibited public meetings on the old Market Place, various sections of the community are resenting the decision. John Oldman, who, being a Socialist, declines to use the word Sir, Mr or Esquire, has informed the mayor that he will invite the public to meet in thousands and he asked that the police be kept away'!

Besides local activism over the next few years Oldman also contributed articles to Henry Seymour’s 'ANARCHIST' journal which in 1887 observed:
'Our brave and indefatigable comrade Oldman of Oldham is spreading the light of liberty in the north.  He has recently engaged in several debates upon anarchism with large and intellectual audiences in Manchester and contributes weekly to the Oldham Chronicle in exposition of anarchist philosophy.'

In 1890 John and his partner Rebecca combined a nostalgic family visit to their old Norfolk stamping ground with an extended propaganda tour.  In December Yarmouth SL recorded:
'Comrade John Oldman and his wife have been with us for several weeks doing splendid propaganda for the advancement of Revolutionary Socialism and our local comrades have been considerably enlightened in revolutionary ideas.' 
Commonweal detailed their activities, including:                       
'October 24th comrade John Oldman, Apostle of Anarchy, from Manchester, delivered a stirring address in the morning on Priory plain on The Voting Swindle…in the afternoon on the Fish Wharf comrade Oldman lectured on The Wage Swindle …on November 2nd on Hall Quay comrade Oldman lectured on The Morality of Force.” On Saturday 8th November both Oldmans addressed several Norwich meetings commemorating the judicial murder of five Chicago anarchists. The following day they repeated this in Great Yarmouth, where on 23rd November “a discussion on Anarchy was opened by John Oldman who gave a good explanation.'

Despite the gradual disintegration of the SL, the Oldmans kept the faith.  On May Day 1892 John Oldman spoke alongside a host of eminent comrades to a crowd of over a thousand assembled around the Reformer’s Tree in London’s Hyde Park.  As The Times reported, 'Behind the speakers were two large banners, one containing the words, "Anarchist Communism and Revolution and Anarchy", and the other, "If the people when oppressed are silent such is stupidity, the forerunner of the downfall of public liberty".  Immediately following  Louise Michel’s proclamation, 'Vive la Comune', John Oldman (inaccurately reported as “Oldham”) said 'what was wanted was revolution pure and simple (Cheers). The eight hour demonstration that day was simply boy’s play and babyism. They should strike at the root of that pernicious system of capitalism (Hear, hear).'

After that the trail goes cold.  Rebecca Oldman passed away in Oldham in 1904, John followed five years later and memory of their lives almost died with them.  Can you help?  Northern Voices is keen to discover more about Oldham’s first anarchists and the lives of similarly inspiring political pioneers.  We’re currently researching the lives of scores more neglected Northern anarchists and we’d love to hear from anyone who shares our enthusiasm. 

For Peace, Love and Anarchism
Christopher Draper