Rethinking British Policing!

T-A-S-E-R

 A 5 Point Manifesto.

by Charles D. Crichlow

IT has become abundantly clear that policing within the British criminal justice system is not working.  For decades, trust and confidence in policing among the UK Black community has been comparatively low and for good reason.  Ministry of Justice data on Race and the Criminal Justice System has consistently throughout the 21st Century shown that Black people are unjustly treated.  The call from the streets in the aftermath of the George Floyd murder is, ‘We want Equal justice under the law’; ‘We want change and we want it now’ and ‘No Justice No Peace’.

Incrementalism will not suffice.  No longer can we afford to engage in ‘look how far we have come-ism’  Herein is the outline of a manifesto for a radical rethink of policing.  I believe, that this is what sections of the public, who have been oppressed by the present system for far too long, deserve.  Upon close examination one will quickly recognise that these changes will not simply benefit a minority of the population but the whole of society.  I must point out, that the ideas put forward here, are only the beginning of what will be a long continuous road towards public safety, protection and equal justice.  No one should have a monopoly on good ideas and undoubtedly others will bring forth other welcome suggestions. This manifesto is not for faint-hearted evolutionists but rather for a genuinely radical rethink of policing in its current form, which I argue is not fit for the essential purpose of racial justice.

This manifesto is deliberately brief, so as to make way for more nuanced and detailed discussion and collective framing of ideas. What is for sure; is that it’s high time that our political leaders take a bold and dispassionate look again at British Policing and the Criminal Justice System.  Whilst also resisting the tendency to be seduced by the awesome power of police leaders to dazzle and seduce with an overly romanticised vision of policing and focus them on the hard reality of racial injustice in this nation.

I therefore set out below, the T-A-S-E-R Model which is based upon the accumulation of experience over my thirty years (Participant Observation) as an Operational Police Officer a Community Organiser and former President of the National Black Police Association. I say respectfully to those within the policing profession, that it should not be for you to determine the merits of this manifesto. Instead, it is for you to work for the public. Since you are supposed to police with our consent, I implore you to set aside the customary disdain for anything resembling a usurpation of your power to determine the policing dispensation. And that instead you pay attention to the cry for justice which is ringing out loud and sweeping across the globe. You now have at the very least the opportunity to contribute something on the right side of history. To think or do otherwise will see your authority slip even further away and pave the way for future anarchy.

T-A-S-E-R MODEL = Transparency Accountability Scrutiny Education Reparation Transparency.

Transparency For far too long, the police have been allowed to operate effectively in secret when it comes to implementing reforms.

They have effectively been given free reign to ‘mark their own homework’. This can be seen in terms of duties under the Equality Act (2010) where the public have little or no insight into how they operate and how they are monitored.

As a police officer, I have witnessed first hand the cavalier approach to these legal duties and the total disregard to its application at the front line of policing. This has to end. And a new era of Radical Transparency must be ushered in, whereby the public get to have maximum real-time insight into how the police, carries out its duties under the Equality Act. ‘The public is the police and the police is the public’ has effectively become a brainwashing mantra that misleads the public and police officers into a romantic perception of the reality. This has to be addressed by opening up policing, much more to the public gaze.

I propose that unless there is a compelling argument for confidentiality, police boardrooms where matters of public interest are to be discussed should be made accessible (via camera) to the public. It should not be left to the police alone to decide upon the many aspects of policing activity that in my view can and should be made transparent to the public. There must be a radical approach to this. Accountability

Each and every police officer is invested with extraordinary powers of discretion, to act in ways that no ordinary citizen can. Therefore much should be expected in terms of holding them to account for their actions.

In far too many cases, accountability is non-existent or is severely hamstrung by aspects of the very Criminal Justice System that is intended to protect the public. We have seen many examples of rogue officers escaping justice or, moreover, being protected by the organisation. Conversely, good officers have all too often, been hurriedly forced out of policing in questionable circumstances and Black officers have disproportionately and inexplicably found to be in this category.

I propose that the application of police Professional Standards be taken completely out of the hands of the police service and that this is coupled with a completely independent mechanism for investigating police misconduct. This would mean the complete abolition of the Independent Office of Police Conduct and the replacement with something, which is fit for purpose particularly in terms of racial justice. In addition there should be a presumption that accountability is a public concern therefore notwithstanding appropriate confidentiality issues, questions of misconduct should be answered in public.

Scrutiny

Hand in hand with a new Radical Transparency so too must there be a new era of Super Scrutiny. At present we have an extraordinary state of affairs, whereby police forces either have little or no scrutiny, of how they implement the legal requirements of the Equality Act and yet they get to pick and choose who is deemed appropriate to scrutinise their work.

The current system of inspection by the ‘Her Majesty Inspector of Constabulary’ is completely inadequate. I have seen at first hand how the police are able to very easily ‘pull the wool over the eyes of HMIC’ - a toothless tiger. Police and Crime Commissioners whose role is to hold the Chief Constable to account on behalf of the public have been fantastically ineffective in terms of racial justice. Many of these PCC’s are hopelessly incapable of performing this task not only due to competence but many are ideologically driven.

I propose the establishment of a completely independent body of highly professional and competent scrutineers in the field of equal justice with the necessary powers to ensure compliance. Their remit will include identifying disparity and ensuring police compliance with equality duties and its own equality strategies.

Education

From Training to Education, there is ample evidence to suggest that police forces are not capable of recruiting, training and developing the workforce, the public and the whole of the system required for equal justice to flourish. Policing has recently been placed on a more professionalised footing, whilst this is a welcome step it is not enough.

I propose that the recruitment and development of all police personnel should be taken completely out of the hands of the police force and placed in a framework of Education rather than simply regimented training. A genuine new ethos of Education for Public Service should be the goal where Police Forces will become genuine Police Services. This should include every aspect of current training including and particularly ‘Use Of Force’ training. This should not in anyway signal a pivot towards privatisation of any aspect of current policing functions but rather to establish new ways within the public realm, of improving policing. The College of Policing has been a signal failure in terms of its 6 remit, particularly in regard to race equality, it has simply come to reflect and replicate the racial hierarchies that exist within policing. Moreover it represents a huge waste of public money that could be put to better use. The same applies to many of the institutions, which represent policing from top to bottom.

Reparation

In order for any of this manifesto to be implemented, the current police force and justice system must come to reckoning with its past and therefore genuine reparative racial justice must be brought about.

Whole communities have been criminalised labelled and brought to ruin by institutional racism not just by hostile policing but by an entirely hostile environment in terms of education, housing policy, health and generally towards the presence of Black people in the United Kingdom who were brought here to work, build and be used as was the case under Colonialism and Enslavement.  Indeed, the roots of some of the crimes, which have plagued the Black community, particularly those of a seriously violent nature (often framed as so called ‘Black on Black’ violence) can be located in the legacy of a history of violent oppression.  These ‘chickens are now coming home to roost’ and all the tough talking about ‘rioters’ and ‘thugs’ will not drown out the voices of those who have a just cause and demand for reparatory justice.

In short, reparatory justice is the first and necessary step toward equal justice.  Any attempt to build a future upon the unquestioned foundations of the current broken system will prove to be an exercise in futility and we will be back here again. The backlash to the current movement has already begun and the need for courageous leadership is palpable. Failure to take the necessary steps will prove to be a concession towards those who benefit from the privilege of status quo and the advancement of white supremacy. We have seen and heard that the call of ‘white silence is violence’ thus, political cowardice is also violent and must be called out loudly. This brief manifesto is submitted / launched at the Windrush Defenders – ‘Burning Work: In the Wake of Windrush’ Conference (22.06.2020) however, this is a public document and will be open to much wider conversation.

Charles D. Crichlow 21.06.2020

A former police officer with 30 years service. President of National Black Police Officers Association from 2009-2013.Graduate of Manchester University School of Law with a Masters in criminology. Served as Independent Special Advisor to Tutu Foundation review into institutional racism.

Quotes: (“...pay attention to the cry for justice which is ringing out loud and sweeping across the globe. You now have at the very least the opportunity to contribute something on the right side of history. To think or do otherwise will see your authority slip even further away and pave the way for future anarchy.”)

(“We have seen and heard that the call of ‘white silence is violence’ thus, political cowardice is also violent and must be called out loudly.”)

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