Why Spanish anarchism began to flag!
TODAY, exactly 80 years ago, anarchists entered the republican government of
Spain at the request of the Socialist leader Francisco Largo Caballero. On the 4th, November 1936, four
leaders of the trade union Confederation of Labour (CNT) and the Federation
Anarchists of Iberia (FAI) - Federica Montseny, Juan García Oliver, Joan Peiró
and Juan López – entered the new Government of the Spanish Republic.
Last Tuesday, in an article titled 'The Legacy of Spanish Anarchism' in the
Spanish daily El País, the historian Julian Casanova wrote:
'It was an “hecho trascendental” (“an action of supreme significance”),
affirmed that same day Solidaridad obera, the principal organ of libertarian
expression, because the anarchists had never had confidence in government
powers, their objective had always been to be abolish the State, with their
policy of anti-politics and direct action, and because it was the first time in
world history that such a thing had occurred.
Anarchists in the national government:
was an event transcendental and unrepeatable.'
Señor Casanova
refreshes the readers about the introduction of anarchism to Spain after
Bakunin's friend Giuseppi Fanelli first appearance in Spain in November
1868. Between that time and the
departure into exile of thousands of militants in 1939, the (Spanish) anarchist
movement promoted a frenzied propaganda activity cultural and educative; with
strikes and insurrections. Casanova
claims that 'it (anarchism) after the
First World War became an extraordinary movement
of the masses – the only country in Europe where it actually succeeded – and
did so because it was able to construct a cultural alternative among the
workers and peasants at the “base colectiva” (“collective base”)'. Yet , he says, '.... in this journey though
accompanied by an element of violence,
the legends of their honesty, sacrifices
and combat were cultivated during the decades by their followers , which was
always questioned by their enemies on the right and the left who want to stress
the love of the anarchists for throwing bombs and brandishing revolvers.'
After the Spanish
Civil War, according to Casanova, the anarchists 'entered a tunnel from which it was
never to re-emerge.' He
writes that in the era since 1939 a gulf had emerged in the new trade union and
political culture between 1939 the Transition of the 1970s: 'The imposition of negotiations had come in
to form an institutionalisation of conflicts, current consumption had brought
miracles: permitting capital to extend
and providing workers with a better standard of living. Without the anti-politics, and with workers
abandoning radicalism faced with better tangible and immediate things like cars
and fridges compared with altruism and sacrifice, anarchism began to flag and
lose its reason for existence.
'The belief is that today anarchism is only history;
very degraded compared with other ideologies and parliamentary parties, yet
there is no doubt that the validity and reality of some of their approaches
such as criticism of the State, the power of politics and the distorted images
that are always transmitted from above about disorder and spontaneity.
'Anarchists don't believe the State can bring equality
among peoples and don't believe that they will make the mistakes we've seen in
the Soviet Union and other countries.
They never intended to put in motion vast projects of social engineering
such as were tried in communism and fascism, with the consequences we all
know.'
The Spanish historian
Julian Casanova then concludes:
'Anarchism was never a bed of roses, but it was always
something more than bombs and pistols.'
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