by Brian Bamford
BELOW A BODY of trade unionists have emerged in the current
crisis to call upon the government to institute certain changes and to
submit to a list of demands in a campaign to relieve the pressures upon
us.
Is it a wish list? Or is it merely virtue signalling by persons who are simply displaying their own impotence?
It might be as well to recognise that there are more than one type of petition:
Protest petitions generally aim
mainly to show discontent; they play the same role as demonstrations:
safety valve, expression of dissatisfaction in relation to an act,
decision or policy. In an age of internet and social media, protest
petitions can gain traction very quickly. The Trump petitions some time ago when
2 million people signed a
petition opposing Donald Trump’s state visit to the UK are
but one example of this type, as was the one that received over
4 million signatures asking for a second EU referendum.
Substantive petitions aim
primarily to change a situation. This tends to
relate to issues that
people feel very strongly about, either because they are personal and
affect them directly, or because they are part of a very strong
set of
convictions held over a period of time. So these are very different to
protest petitions. Recent examples include the petitions on
Meningitis B,
the one(s) on
Grouse shooting, and the one asking that
stillborn babies are
given a birth certificate
– the latter one with far fewer signatures. Ultimately, this type of
petition aims to change a situation, but in the process of doing so it
aims first and foremost to raise awareness.
Cristina Leston-Bandeira
situates the process within a broader policy-
making context. She
explains that petitions are an effective way of raising awareness or
showing discontent, and that the adoption of public demands
into policy
remains subject to the usual political process.
She writes:
'As we know, it is very rare for policy
change to happen quickly; if not
originated by the government, it is
usually the result of sustained campaigning through a variety of means.
Whether a substantive petition achieves a change
in policy is often not
the main question. The key starting point is whether it raises awareness
of the issue, and whether it raises the profile of a specific
issue
enough to lead government to eventually agree for change. After all,
one
of the most famous cases of petitioning – votes for women (if you prefer
a more grown-up account then try here)
– took a few years and more than
one petition before it actually led to
any change. So, different petitions have different purposes and perform
different roles. Petitions also enable what is known as the
“fire-alarm” role: an opportunity to raise issues bottom-up,
outside the
political agenda.'
In the case of the petition below this slow process in policy change may
simply serve to display the helplessness of the proponents of the demands.
Thus it could have the reverse effect to that intended by the signatories.
**************************************
Trade Union Petition Covid-19:
Let’s
come together to push for the basic emergency measures
that democracy
requires.
We
reject “One rule for the rich, another for the rest”!
Protect working people, not the banks and big business!
The
working class must defend its own interests, and on an independent
basis!
Requisition
the £350 billion given to the banks and businesses
and apply it to
these emergency measures to directly protect the population:
– All personal protection equipment (PPE) of
the necessary standard to be
sourced immediately, including by
requisition, and delivered immediately
where needed by NHS staff and
care-home staff;
– Requisition big companies to
serve in the production of ventilators, masks,
testing kits,
healthcare beds and everything that is lacking today in the NHS;
– Free diagnostic testing for all, free antibody testing for all.
All private testing
and processing facilities, as well as all other
private healthcare resources,
to be immediately requisitioned and
incorporated into the NHS.
–
Free distribution of masks to the whole population;
– Ban
“temporary” lay-offs and job-cuts;
– Ban
bogus self-employment;
– Full pay immediately, not in
May or June, for all self-isolated workers,
whatever their work
status;
– Paid time off to care for
children when there is no other option available;
- All employers to be legally
bound by the Health and Safety at Work etc.
Act 1974, the Management
of Health and Safety at Work Regulations 1999,
and the
Employment Rights Act 1996, which together give employees the
right
to leave their place of work if they feel they are in “serious
and
imminent” danger;
– Financial security for all: scrap Universal Credit;
– Moratorium on all debt and the payment of rent and rental
charges
(utilities, etc.);
– All social benefits and support allowances to be paid
immediately,
not in May or June;
– Staple foods and basic goods to be distributed for free to people
in difficulty;
– Requisition vacant/available premises to provide accommodation to
the homeless and poorly-housed;
– Scrap all Private Finance Initiative (PFI) contracts, which have
been
a tool for commercialising education and privatising the NHS;
– Repeal the Coronavirus Act 2020, replace it with properly
scrutinised
measures that do not restrict civil liberties.
We,
workers (full-time and part-time, on secure and insecure contracts),
homemakers, pensioners, students and youth, say: These
are immediate
measures that are needed to avoid medical and economic carnage. They
cannot wait.
We
will not accept more of the same – what is happening now cannot be
allowed to happen again.
First
signatories:
Mike Calvert, Deputy Branch Secretary, Islington UNISON, London
(pers. cap.)
Charles
Charalambous, ex-President, Torbay and South Devon TUC (pers. cap.),
Editor of Labour Internationalist
Stefan
Cholewka, Secretary, Greater Manchester Association of Trades
Union
Councils ((on behalf of GMATUC)
Sheila
Coleman, Unite Community, Liverpool (pers. cap.)
Jane
Doolan, UNISON NEC member, Branch Secretary, Islington
UNISON, London
(pers. cap.)
Paul
Filby, Labour Party member, Liverpool (pers. cap.)
Stephen
Hall, President, Greater Manchester Association of Trades
Union
Councils
Diana
James, Assistant Branch Secretary, Islington UNISON, London
(pers.
cap.)
Paul
Kelly, Vice President, Greater Manchester Association of
Trades Union
Councils
Doreen
McNally, Unite Community, Liverpool (pers. cap.)
Henry
Mott, Branch Secretary, Southwark Unite, London (pers. cap.)
Billy
Murphy, Unite Community, Liverpool (pers. cap.)
Tony Rimmer, Vice-Chair, Unite 567 Branch; Chair, Bootle CLP;
Liverpool47 surcharged Labour councillor (pers. cap.)
John
Sweeney, Labour Party member, Leave activist, London (pers. cap.)
Margaret
K. Taylor, Labour Party member, Treasurer, Rochdale
Metropolitan
Borough Trades Council (on behalf of RMBTC)
Matt
Webb, general secretary, Brighton & Hove District
Trades Union
Council (on behalf of B&HDTUC)
Sarah
Wooley, general secretary, The Bakers Food and Allied Workers Union
(on behalf of BFAWU)
I
endorse these demands
In
a personal capacity / On behalf of my organisation