From Media Lens
THE BBC's Nick Robinson has made a career out of telling the
public what leading politicians say and do; sometimes even what they 'think'.
This stenography plays a key role in 'the mainstream media', given that a vital
part of statecraft is to keep the public suitably cowed and fearful of threats
from which governments must protect us. The 'free press' requires compliant
journalists willing to disseminate elite-friendly messages about global
'peace', 'security' and 'prosperity', uphold Western ideology that 'we are the
good guys', and not question power deeply, if at all.
But when a senior journalist complains of 'intimidation and
bullying' by the public, making comparison's to 'Vladimir Putin's Russia', the
mind really boggles at the distortion of reality. Those were claims made by Robinson,
the BBC's outgoing political editor, using an appearance at the Edinburgh
international book festival to settle a few scores.
As we noted on the eve of last year's referendum on Scottish
independence, Robinson was guilty of media manipulation in reporting remarks
made by Alex Salmond, then Scotland's First Minister and leader of the Scottish
National Party. During a press conference, Robinson had asked Salmond a
two-part question about supposedly solid claims made by company bosses and
bankers - 'men who are responsible for billions of pounds of profits' - that
independence would damage the Scottish economy. Not only did the full version
of the encounter demonstrate that Salmond responded comprehensively, but he
turned the tables on Robinson by calling into question the BBC's role as an
'impartial' public broadcaster. The self-serving report that was broadcast that
night by Robinson on BBC News at Ten did not accurately reflect the encounter.
Instead, the political editor summed it all up misleadingly as:
'He didn't answer, but he did attack the reporting.'
But the public was able to compare Robinson's highly
selective editing of Salmond's press conference with what had actually taken
place. The episode sparked huge discussion across social media. It even led to
public protests outside the BBC headquarters in Glasgow. Some called for
Robinson to resign.The protests involved thousands of pro-independence
campaigners, although Nicola Sturgeon, Salmond's then deputy and now leader of
the SNP, distanced her party from the demonstration outside the BBC when she
'emphasised it was not organised by the official Yes Scotland campaign'. The
Glasgow protest was but one episode in a bigger picture of considerable public
dissent against BBC News; indeed, against corporate news bias generally.
The outcome of the September 2014 referendum, following
frantic propaganda campaigns to block Scottish independence by the main
political parties, big business and corporate media - akin to what we are
seeing today with the establishment targetting Jeremy Corbyn - was 55 per cent
'No' and 45 per cent 'Yes'.
Now Robinson, promoting his latest book 'Election Diary',
has spoken out about what happened when his reporting was exposed for what it
was:
'Alex Salmond was using me to change the subject. Alex
Salmond was using me as a symbol. A symbol of the wicked, metropolitan,
Westminster classes sent from England, sent from London, in order to tell the
Scots what they ought to do.
'As it happens I fell for it. I shouldn't have had the row
with him which I did, and I chose a particular phrase ["He didn't answer,
but he did attack the reporting."] we might explore badly in terms of my
reporting and that is genuinely a sense of regret.'
So Robinson's distorted reporting, caught and exposed in
public, led merely to 'a sense of regret' which 'we might explore badly'.
He then launched a bizarre attack on the public:
'But as a serious thought I don't think my offence was
sufficient to justify 4,000 people marching on the BBC's headquarters, so that
young men and women who are new to journalism have, like they do in Putin's
Russia, to fight their way through crowds of protesters, frightened as to how
they do their jobs.'
The hyperbole continued:
'We should not live with journalists who are intimidated, or
bullied, or fearful in any way.'
And yet, in June, Robinson had played down the alleged
bullying as ineffectual:
'In reality I never felt under threat at all'.
Given that the protest was triggered by Robinson's
propaganda, one wonders to what extent the 'young men and women who are new to
journalism' at the BBC were 'intimidated, or bullied, or fearful', or whether
this was more tragicomic bias from Robinson. Needless to say, Robinson was
silent about how the corporate media routinely acts as an echo chamber for
government propaganda, scaremongering the public about foreign 'enemies' and
security 'threats'.
A couple of days later, Salmond responded to Robinson. He
told the Dundee-based Courier newspaper:
'The BBC's coverage of the Scottish referendum was a
disgrace.
'It can be shown to be so, as was Nick's own reporting of
which he should be both embarrassed and ashamed.'
Salmond continued:
'To compare, as Nick did last week, 4000 Scots peacefully
protesting outside BBC Scotland as something akin to Putin's Russia is as
ludicrous as it is insulting.
'It is also heavily ironic given that the most commonly used
comparison with the BBC London treatment of the Scottish referendum story was
with Pravda, the propaganda news agency in the old Soviet Union.'
The Guardian then gave ample space to Robinson to respond to
Salmond with an ill-posed defence of the BBC's slanted coverage of the
independence debate. This was amplified by a news piece by Jane Martinson, head
of media at the Guardian, about the 'row' between the two.
'The BBC', declaimed Robinson, 'must resist Alex Salmond's
attempt to control its coverage'. In fact, Salmond had rightly pointed out that
the BBC's broadcasting had been biased and 'a disgrace'; a view held by many
people in Scotland and beyond. Robinson's pompous response was that, all too
often, politicians 'simply do not understand why the nation's broadcaster
doesn't see the world exactly as they do.' Case dismissed.
The BBC political editor then fell back on the old canard
that complaints from both sides implied that reporting had been balanced:
'There were many complaints about our coverage of the
Scottish referendum – although interestingly just as many came from the No side
as the Yes.'
Deploying this fallacious argument means that the strong
evidence of bias against 'Yes' need not be examined (see, for example, this
book and short film by Professor John Robertson of the University of the West
of Scotland). In its place, Robinson paints a heroic picture of himself and the
BBC rejecting demands from 'politicians' to 'control' news reporting. Robinson
declared his unshakeable confidence in:
'the BBC's high journalistic standards, which are recognised
around the world'.
This is precisely the attitude one would expect from someone
who is rewarded handsomely for thinking the right thoughts about their
employer.
Submitted by Trevor Hoyle
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