Wednesday 27 May 2020

The Johnson Cummings Love-In


by Les May

WHEN the Tory party handed the keys of 10 Downing Street to Boris Johnson his first instinct was to avoid the scrutiny of Parliament by proroguing it.  This behaviour eventually found its way into the courts and Johnson was judged to have been a very naughty boy.

When the story emerged that an unelected ‘special adviser’ had driven someone suffering from Covid19 some 400km to another part of the country, when such actions were expressly forbidden by a law passed by his own government, Johnson’s first instinct was to behave in a way that would make it very difficult for any police force to investigate this matter, determine whether it was ‘reasonable travel’ and if necessary issue fines to both the driver and his passengerIt is not for Johnson to decide whether Dominic Cummingsactions fell within the definition of ‘reasonable travel’.

My understanding is that the Daily Mirror and the Guardian newspapers had approached Downing Street for comment before the story was published. The pair of them had plenty of time to ‘get their stories straight’.  First Johnson sought to exonerate Cummings by standing in front of the television cameras and saying that he ‘did not mark him down’.*   

Meanwhile Cummings was given to opportunity to get into ‘post facto rationalisation’ mode and prepare a long statement which he was then allowed to present to the assembled media over a 70 minute period in the Rose Garden of Number 10 Downing Street.  Take your pick of the excuses he gave for moving his Covid19 infected wife across the country; he was just being a good husband and father, he and his infected wife were likely to be ‘harassed’ if they quarantined themselves at their home address, it was all a ‘media plot’ anyhow.

What we are seeing here is Johnson using his power to subtly influence how the law operates. It will take a very strong minded senior police officer to insist on asking Dominic Cummings some pointed questions.  Fortunately they still exist. Johnson is not alone in this endeavour, Michael Gove tried to tell us that at the time the law was different from what the rest of us understood it to be.


The media have decided to concentrate on the ‘human story’ side of all this with accounts of spouses and children unable to be beside the bedside of a relative who died.   If the political parties take this line Johnson’s subtle abuse of power will go unnoticed and unchecked. Johnson and Cummings are well matched.  Spot the video clip where Cummings is using his thick black notebook to waft away the gaggle of reporters who are trying to ask him questions.   It rather reminded me of Hastings Banda and his fly whisk.


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2 comments:

Carl Faulkner said...

Ut has been quite a revelation how citizens of this country have relished the opportunity to become informers and enforcers of a draconian law.

Perhaps Cummings, Ferguson et al don't really believe in what they promote.

"If the political parties take this line Johnson’s subtle abuse of power will go unnoticed and unchecked."

The political parties have already failed by voting through, on a nod and a wink, draconian piowers restricting free movement. Unchecked and the future ramifucations almost unnoticed.

There was no opposition or dissent to the wisdom of the government's chosen medical advisors (Imperial College) despite there being many other 'experts' that disagreed.

A do nothing and there could be 500,000 deaths warning frightened a weak Parliament into legislating us into a semi-police state. The virus will fade. The police state will merely be put on standby.

We reap what we sow.

Les May said...

Perhaps the writer of the above comment can be persuaded to explain what he would have done in the circumstances. It may or may not be true that the government relied upon figures given by Neil Ferguson, but it is certainly the case that anyone could draw their own conclusions from information freely available on the WWW as to the likely number of deaths which would result if a ‘herd immunity’ strategy was adopted which would have been the case if no attempt had been made to check the progress of the virus. I explained how I arrived at a figure of potentially 360,000 deaths in a piece I wrote for NV on 14 March which was two days before Report 9 from the Imperial College modelling team. Anyone was free to challenge my crude methodology if they disagreed with it. ‘Back of an envelope’ calculations like this are never going to be exact, but they are going to be of the right order of magnitude, and MPs are perfectly capable of doing this for themselves. Perhaps some of them did. The Imperial College report is still available. It runs to some 20 pages, the assumptions used in the modelling process are made clear and it is anything but ‘sensational’. It will be seen that for some of the measures that could be adopted to reduce the number of infections it was assumed that only 50-75% of the public would comply. Perhaps the writer will read it and then tell us how he would have acted had he been an MP.