by Christopher Draper
IF Germany preserved the
mansions of the men who organised the Nazi slave camp system and
published accompanying guidebooks detailing architectural features
and the aesthetics of looted art works whilst concealing the source
of their former owners’ wealth we’d be appalled, yet Britain’s
NATIONAL TRUST lovingly maintains the heritage of Britain’s
aristocratic slave traders with scarce a mention of their iniquities.
For Example…
Buckland Abbey – home of Francis Drake, who with his cousin
John Hawkins started Britain’s slave trade in 1562, owned by
Drake’s descendants until NT took over in 1946
Chirk Castle – acquired in 1593 by Thomas Myddleton, a
founder of the rapaciously racist East India Co. Managed since 1981
by NT, the Myddleton family remain in residence
Tyntesfield – owned by the Gibbs family whose African slave
trade profits were re-invested in the exploitation and virtual
enslavement of Chinese labourers in their Peruvian guano pits
Powis Castle- lavishly displayed Indian artefacts plundered by
Robert Clive
Newark Park – owned from the 18th century until
1946 by the Clutterbuck family, in 1837 Sarah Clutterbuck “of
Newark Park” claimed compensation for 110 Jamaican slaves
Quarry Bank Mill– erected by Samuel Greg who jointly
owned, with his brother, a Dominican plantation with 139 slaves
Speke Hall – purchased in 1795 by Richard Watts an immensely
rich slave trader based in Liverpool and Jamaica, owned by Watts
family until 1943
Dyrham Park– according to NT, William Blathwayt was a “Hard
working civil servant” and Dyrham Park -“An early example
of how a fortune made from empire was invested in a landed estate.”
According to history he was a tireless advocate for the slave
trade who readily accepted bribes from its practitioners.
Convenient Lies
There’s no objectivity to NT guidebooks which feature aristocratic
family trees, portraits, pottery and fine furniture but rarely
mention slavery. As air-brushed exploits of the gentry are extolled
at length, the histories of the enslaved blacks and poor whites they
exploited are ignored. To visit an NT property is to worship at the
altar of aristocracy and with twenty million paying visitors a year,
NT is a powerful advocate of reactionary worldviews.
As we perambulate NT’s pastoral palaces we gaze up at portraits of
generations of be-knighted toffs who richly deserve to be pulled from
their pedestals and consigned to the dustbin of history. Whilst
acquiring country houses and arranging exhibits, NT bosses may not
fully comprehend their complicity in concealing the gentry’s
genocidal role but as Hannah Arendt observed, such is the banality of
evil.
Rewarding the Guilty
Britain’s slave traders were never held to account for their
murderous record. On the contrary, when their slaves were
“emancipated” in 1833 Parliament rewarded the traders with £20
billion (2020 equivalent) “compensation”. In the following
century, when food imports undermined agricultural land values,
Parliament again intervened to sustain aristocratic privilege. Whilst
some toffs auctioned off the family silver, pulled down crumbling
piles, sold off estates and reinvested in liquid assets,
traditionalists fought to maintain their God-given social and
political pre-eminence and discovered a surprising ally.
Polite Subversion
Although NT’s founders were Christian Socialists who opposed
privilege and campaigned for workers’ access to the countryside,
from the late 1930’s onwards, the Trust and the toffs became
affectionate bedfellows. This ideological volt-face was
engineered by James Lees-Milne, who in 1936, was appointed as
Secretary of NT’s newly created “Country House Committee”.
Lees-Milne was an arch-snob infatuated with “aristocracy” who’d
spent the previous five years as Private Secretary to Baron Lloyd.
Together with his posh chums and their Parliamentary lackeys,
Lees-Milne devised a plan granting tax relief all round for NT to
bail out aristocrats who wished to remain in residence. NT shouldered
the burden of running and renovating their mansions on condition that
the public was granted limited access. The deal was sealed by an act
of Parliament passed in 1940 as “The Country Houses Scheme”.
Lees-Milne was in his element socialising with the toffs, encouraging
a succession of Lords, Ladies, Dukes, Earls and other assorted gentry
to take up influential positions within NT.
Rebel in the Ranks
NT was soon stuffed full with both grand Country Houses and Country
House grandees and these came to characterise NT. A campaign to
return the Trust to its original principles was in 1967 led by an
employee, Conrad Rawnsley, the grandson of one of its founders. He
claimed NT’s original aim to provide “open air sitting rooms
for the poor” had been subverted to offer “aristocratic
drawing rooms for the middle classes.” Headlined as, “Rawnsley
versus the Reactionaries”, NT’s reactionary Chairman, Randal
McDonnell, 8th Earl of Antrim (ed Eton & Oxford)
responded by sacking him but was forced by Harold Wilson’s
government to commission an internal enquiry. Lord Antrim appointed
Henry Benson CBE, a senior partner of accountants “Coopers &
Lybrand” and member of a shooting syndicate that leased NT Land, to
head that enquiry. Benson suggested bureaucratic reforms but did
little to restore NT’s founding principles.
Vulnerable
Confronted by Black Lives Matter NT bosses feel
suddenly vulnerable and have hidden away incriminating items of slave
imagery (see previous post). Dr Tarnya Cooper, NT’s “Curatorial
and Collections Director”, insists NT has the matter in hand, “The
National Trust has just completed the first phase of a ten-year
internal inquiry into links between its properties and slavery,
during which it found that almost a third of its world-famous 300
houses and gardens are tied to wealth from slaving practices…and
the number could well rise”. The implicit message is, “Trust
us, we’ve got everything under control and with a few more years
research we’ll eventually correct our minor errors and oversights”,
but NT cannot be trusted.
I emailed Dr Cooper requesting details of the properties NT had
identified as linked to the slave trade but received no reply. I
searched the web in vain for further details of NT’s “ten-year
internal inquiry into links between its properties and slavery”. I
wonder - When did this inquiry commence? When will it conclude? Who
are the members of the inquiry? Does it accept external submissions?
Does it even exist?
Curious Case of the Disappearing Display
NT exploited the 2007 bicentenary of Britain’s “abolition of the
slave trade” to claim the moral high ground and made great play of
a special exhibition it mounted at Penrhyn Castle. A Trust property
built by the Douglas-Pennant family who made a fortune from their
Jamaican slave plantations which they re-invested in exploiting Welsh
slate quarrymen, provoking what remains Britain’s longest ever
industrial dispute. On 11.12.2006 the National Trust obtained £45,700
from the Heritage Lottery Fund (HLF) to mount a permanent
exhibition at the Castle entitled, “Sugar and Slate – The
Penrhyn Connection”. Tipped off that NT had duplicitously
ditched the exhibition, in 2016 I investigated and emailed Martin
Buckridge of HLF who confirmed that permanence was a condition of
that grant and, “It is clear that at the time of your
enquiry and for a period beforehand, the permanent exhibition was not
on public display”. All sorts of feeble excuses
followed and ultimately only a fragment of the original exhibition
was remounted in an out-building but this was sufficient to satisfy
both NT and HLF. Tokenism at its most cynical!
NT doesn’t like exhibiting inconvenient truths, they upset resident
aristocrats and spoil the aesthetics of the Country House experience.
As Andrew Loukes, an NT “House & Collection Manager”, told
the Financial Times, “The more alien paraphernalia that you
introduce into these spaces, the more you take away from their power
to impress as historic interiors.” What a give away! - NT is
concerned only to present the aristocratic perspective. Playing cat
and mouse with critics, NT makes token concessions when forced but
retrenches when no-one’s looking.
Inconvenient Truths
Clevedon Court is a grand north Somerset country pile and the NT
handbook explains, “The house was bought by Abraham Elton in
1709 and is still the well-loved family home of the Eltons today”.
Abraham Elton was a slave trading Mayor of Bristol and all three
of his sons invested in slave ships. Throughout the eighteenth
century the Elton’s received money from their Jamaican plantations
and the refining of slave produced sugar. At their peak the family
owned a quarter of the land around Bristol. They handed Clevedon
Court over to the NT in the 1960’s in lieu of death duties
but were permitted to remain in residence. In the 1980’s the Trust
published a short guide to Clevedon Court which briefly referred to
its slave trade connections but this was excised from the 2003
edition that was co-written by Julia Elton (sister of the current
Baronet, Sir Charles Abraham Grierson Elton). Asked about her
family’s involvement in the slave trade by Andy Beckett of the
Guardian, Julia Elton insisted, “They were
fighting for Bristol, you could argue that they were giving an
economic opportunity to the local peasantry...”
After listening to an NT guide who, “Eagerly describes the
Eltons’ successes as 18th-century
industrialists, property dealers and shipping magnates”
Becket asked,
“Were they slave traders as well?” “We don’t know that
they were,” - “the guide says tersely” -
“There’s no proof”.
In reality, there’s ample proof and when NT again revised and
reprinted its Clevedon Guidebook there remained no mention of
slavery.
Time for a Change
Black Lives Matter achieved more in one
afternoon by toppling Colston’s statue than many years of Bristol
Council reviews and committee meetings. A child visiting Charlecote
Hall recently suggested an Indian sword’s label should be changed
from, “Taken During the Indian Mutiny” to “Stolen
during the First War of Indian Independence”. The
National Trust’s perverse misrepresentation of history demands
immediate action not nebulous promises of internal review and future
reform.
Christopher
Draper
(no. 2 in a 4-part NT series, August 2020)
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