Bury Council has told its trade unions that they intend to cut take-home pay by locking staff out for 3 days without pay next Christmas. They also intend to further restrict take home pay by removing incremental progression for the next three years.
At the same time, proposed changes to the Management Board will see two senior managers benefiting from an additional £94,000 to their salaries. The Chief Executive of Bury Council, Mark Sanders, who last year denied that there had been evidence of blacklisting on the The Rock - a controversial construction site in Bury - told the Bury Times that he was resigning because he thought 'it was important that we all share in some of that pain ...' He also said he wanted to get to know his wife. He told the paper he wasn't being 'sanctimonious' and assured us 'There's no conspiracy under the surface here. There's not something going to jump out and bite you.' The locked-out workforce next Christmas may not agree!
Buy Northern Voices12 price £1.50, out next month, from certain select newsagents in Bury or write for postal subscription: £10 for the next 5 issues to Northern Voices: c/o 52, Todmorden Road, Burnley, Lancashire BB10 4AH.
Friday, 24 September 2010
The Coalition: Return of Maggie Thatcher? by Laurens Otter
The argument here owes something to the proposition put forward by former miner Dave Douglass in the 3rd volume of his autobiography entitled 'GHOST DANCERS': price £12.95, published by Christie Books PO Box 35, Hastings, East Sussex, TN34 1ZS'. Dave Douglass was a branch official in the NUM and a member of its Yorkshire Executive during the miners strike of 1984/5 and his book will be reviewed in Northern Voices 12; out next month.
There are obvious resemblances between the present Coalition Government and the Thatcher era; perhaps most relevant is that:
Thatcher came to power with what, some leftists then suspected, and now, in retrospect and after some government admissions, all agree was a preplanned scheme to provoke a showdown with the miners. They would be forced either to strike at a time of the government's choosing – when large stocks of fuel had been stockpiled and a press and Public Relations scheme had already prepared the ground – or alternatively, to suffer salami-slicing to reduce not only their pay and conditions, but also their future action.
Cameron has come to power and appears to be goading what remains of an active trade union movement in much the same way, with the same intent, and the fact that Liberals have agreed to join him in the Coalition does not contradict this, nor will it necessarily impede such a strategy and throughout he wishes to rub their faces in the shit by making them support a variety of right-wing policies, in the knowledge that they dare not break the alliance and go into opposition.
Thatcher was elected at a time when a number of articulate liberal middle class intellectuals were campaigning against nuclear power and were sympathetic to the miners; had they continued their activity, their testimony about the evils of nuclear power might well have been enough to sway the struggle in the miners favour. They didn't because in the year prior to the strike there were a significant number of curious deaths in such circles.
These were sufficiently worthy of suspicion as to cause those who took an interest in such matters to think they have been state murders, but not so far that there was any certainty, so that the Governmental party and venal press could dismiss the suspicions as mere conspiracy theory. It seems fair to expect a similar series of unexplained deaths.
There are obvious resemblances between the present Coalition Government and the Thatcher era; perhaps most relevant is that:
Thatcher came to power with what, some leftists then suspected, and now, in retrospect and after some government admissions, all agree was a preplanned scheme to provoke a showdown with the miners. They would be forced either to strike at a time of the government's choosing – when large stocks of fuel had been stockpiled and a press and Public Relations scheme had already prepared the ground – or alternatively, to suffer salami-slicing to reduce not only their pay and conditions, but also their future action.
Cameron has come to power and appears to be goading what remains of an active trade union movement in much the same way, with the same intent, and the fact that Liberals have agreed to join him in the Coalition does not contradict this, nor will it necessarily impede such a strategy and throughout he wishes to rub their faces in the shit by making them support a variety of right-wing policies, in the knowledge that they dare not break the alliance and go into opposition.
Thatcher was elected at a time when a number of articulate liberal middle class intellectuals were campaigning against nuclear power and were sympathetic to the miners; had they continued their activity, their testimony about the evils of nuclear power might well have been enough to sway the struggle in the miners favour. They didn't because in the year prior to the strike there were a significant number of curious deaths in such circles.
These were sufficiently worthy of suspicion as to cause those who took an interest in such matters to think they have been state murders, but not so far that there was any certainty, so that the Governmental party and venal press could dismiss the suspicions as mere conspiracy theory. It seems fair to expect a similar series of unexplained deaths.
Thursday, 23 September 2010
LOOKING BACK ON THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR
'A louse is a louse and a bomb is a bomb, even though what you are fighting for happens to be just.' from George Orwell's essay 'Looking Back on the Spanish War' written in the Autumn of 1942.
Last night, Charles Jepson of the National Clarion Cycling Club 1895 welcomed the recent decision of Tameside Council to award a blue plaque to James Keogh, an international brigade volunteer, who died in action in the Spanish Civil War in March 1938 in a confrontation in northern Spain with Italian troops. Mr Jepson was speaking to a group of local people at the Tameside Local Studies & Archives Centre on Old Street, Ashton-u-Lyne on 'Tameside People who served in the Spanish Civil War'. The event was organised by local archivist Alice Lock. Present at the talk were officers from Tameside Trade Union Council and Louise Atkinson, the Tameside Arts & Events Manager.
Charles Jepson spoke of the courage of young James Keogh, who lived on Wellington Street, Ashton, and the other young men from the Tameside area, who served in Spain fighting for what they saw as freedom and democracy. His younger sister, Claire Jackson, still lives in Stalybridge. Another man from Dukinfield, Albert Godwin, who served with James in Spain was captured by the enemy and is believed to have been forced, at one stage, to dig his own grave: in the end Albert and the others who went from Tameside survived the war. No grave nor James Keogh's remains, have ever been found, despite a visit by James's nephew, Mike Harrison, a couple of years ago.
Louise Atkinson of the Tameside Arts & Events Unit, has written that she 'anticipate(s) the plaque (to James Keogh) will be unveiled around Autumn/Winter 2011' and that the plaque will 'include reference to “all other volunteers” from the area that also fought in the Spanish Civil War'. At the last meeting of Tameside TUC, that nominated James for the blue plaque two years ago, the Council's decision was welcomed.
Mr Jepson's talk was a workmanlike and well balanced account of the Civil War. In the end, he echoed George Orwell assessment in his essay 'Looking Back on the Spanish War' that: 'The outcome of the Spanish war was settled in London, Paris, Rome, Berlin – at any rate not in Spain' and that General Franco's forces 'won because they were stronger; they had modern arms and the others hadn't.' Spain in 1936, was one of only three democracies remaining in western Europe – Britain and France being the other two, and it had a legitimate right to international support. James Keogh and the others who fought in Spain, including George Orwell, understood this. Most people in this country, including in the trade union and Labour movement, choose to ignore this preferring a policy of appeasement and non-intervention, and Tory critics of Germany, like Winston Churchill and Harold Nicholson, were still in the political wilderness. Only after Munich did public opinion change on this.
Buy Northern Voices12 price £1.50, out next month, from certain select Ashton and Tameside newsagents & in the Local Studies Archive at Ashton Library, for more on James Keogh and other local heroes of the Spanish Civil War.
Last night, Charles Jepson of the National Clarion Cycling Club 1895 welcomed the recent decision of Tameside Council to award a blue plaque to James Keogh, an international brigade volunteer, who died in action in the Spanish Civil War in March 1938 in a confrontation in northern Spain with Italian troops. Mr Jepson was speaking to a group of local people at the Tameside Local Studies & Archives Centre on Old Street, Ashton-u-Lyne on 'Tameside People who served in the Spanish Civil War'. The event was organised by local archivist Alice Lock. Present at the talk were officers from Tameside Trade Union Council and Louise Atkinson, the Tameside Arts & Events Manager.
Charles Jepson spoke of the courage of young James Keogh, who lived on Wellington Street, Ashton, and the other young men from the Tameside area, who served in Spain fighting for what they saw as freedom and democracy. His younger sister, Claire Jackson, still lives in Stalybridge. Another man from Dukinfield, Albert Godwin, who served with James in Spain was captured by the enemy and is believed to have been forced, at one stage, to dig his own grave: in the end Albert and the others who went from Tameside survived the war. No grave nor James Keogh's remains, have ever been found, despite a visit by James's nephew, Mike Harrison, a couple of years ago.
Louise Atkinson of the Tameside Arts & Events Unit, has written that she 'anticipate(s) the plaque (to James Keogh) will be unveiled around Autumn/Winter 2011' and that the plaque will 'include reference to “all other volunteers” from the area that also fought in the Spanish Civil War'. At the last meeting of Tameside TUC, that nominated James for the blue plaque two years ago, the Council's decision was welcomed.
Mr Jepson's talk was a workmanlike and well balanced account of the Civil War. In the end, he echoed George Orwell assessment in his essay 'Looking Back on the Spanish War' that: 'The outcome of the Spanish war was settled in London, Paris, Rome, Berlin – at any rate not in Spain' and that General Franco's forces 'won because they were stronger; they had modern arms and the others hadn't.' Spain in 1936, was one of only three democracies remaining in western Europe – Britain and France being the other two, and it had a legitimate right to international support. James Keogh and the others who fought in Spain, including George Orwell, understood this. Most people in this country, including in the trade union and Labour movement, choose to ignore this preferring a policy of appeasement and non-intervention, and Tory critics of Germany, like Winston Churchill and Harold Nicholson, were still in the political wilderness. Only after Munich did public opinion change on this.
Buy Northern Voices12 price £1.50, out next month, from certain select Ashton and Tameside newsagents & in the Local Studies Archive at Ashton Library, for more on James Keogh and other local heroes of the Spanish Civil War.
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Tuesday, 21 September 2010
BIG CYRIL
The political pundits say he was the best thing to come out of
Rochdale since Gracie Fields
After his death on September 3rd, the (Rochdale) Observer say their offices were inundated with tributes to Sir Cyril following the news - from friends and rivals alike ...
Nick Clegg, deputy Prime Minister and Liberal Democrat leader: "Cyril Smith was a larger-than-life character and one of the most recognisable and likeable politicians of his day.
"Everybody in Rochdale knew him not only as their MP but also as a friend.
"Rochdale and Britain have sadly lost one of their great MPs, and I think we can safely say there will never be an MP quite like Cyril Smith again."
Jimmy Cricket, comedian and long-time friend of Sir Cyril: "Cyril was a giant who loomed over the political landscape of Rochdale for over two decades.
“He was synonymous with the town, like the Co-op and Gracie Fields...”
Lord (David) Steel of Aikwood, leader of the Liberals from 1976 until 1988: “Cyril was first and foremost Mr Rochdale..."
See the sinister side of Cyril in our next issue - Northern Voices12: out in October
Rochdale since Gracie Fields
After his death on September 3rd, the (Rochdale) Observer say their offices were inundated with tributes to Sir Cyril following the news - from friends and rivals alike ...
Nick Clegg, deputy Prime Minister and Liberal Democrat leader: "Cyril Smith was a larger-than-life character and one of the most recognisable and likeable politicians of his day.
"Everybody in Rochdale knew him not only as their MP but also as a friend.
"Rochdale and Britain have sadly lost one of their great MPs, and I think we can safely say there will never be an MP quite like Cyril Smith again."
Jimmy Cricket, comedian and long-time friend of Sir Cyril: "Cyril was a giant who loomed over the political landscape of Rochdale for over two decades.
“He was synonymous with the town, like the Co-op and Gracie Fields...”
Lord (David) Steel of Aikwood, leader of the Liberals from 1976 until 1988: “Cyril was first and foremost Mr Rochdale..."
See the sinister side of Cyril in our next issue - Northern Voices12: out in October
Sunday, 19 September 2010
Surgeon Calls on Hospital Bosses to Quit!
"We are a clean safe hospital" declared Christine Green the chief executive of Tameside Hospital at the hospital`s AGM on Wednesday. The beleaguered Mrs. Green who is facing demands for her to quit her £144,000 post would like us all to forget the past.In 2006, local coroner John Pollard, denounced the standard of care at Tameside hospital as 'absolutely despicable' and 'chaotic'. The hospital responded by reporting him to the Office for Judicial Complaints. In 2007, the Fielding Inquiry also found that "the quality of care...over a number of years had been seriously deficient." In 2009, it was revealed that the hospital had death rates which were amongst the worst in the country.This July, Mrs. Green, told members of the Tameside Council health scrutiny panel:
"People are very relieved to find that Tameside hospital is not a killer hospital. If we keep reliving history, we wont move forward. We`ve got to get over our history..we've got to make sure everyone is saying the right things, that we're moving forward."
Alas, for Mrs. Green, not everyone who attended the hospital's AGM on Wednesday, were keen to say what she wanted to hear. Rod McCord her nemesis from the Tameside Hospital Action Group (THAG,)called on Mrs. Greeen and the Board to resign. He told the meeting:
"We're still saddled with the same old discredited management." Referring to the hospital's annual report, he added:
"By no stretch of the most febrile imagination could it be said that the reports by the Care Quality Commission (CQC) and Monitor, were 'very positive evaluations'. The CQC reported chronic understaffing and recommended immediate recruitment of staff under threat of legal action. The Monitor report,(which looked at clinical governance)had also commented that a good Board functioned without the need for regulatory intervention."
Although hospital mangement did their best to pack the meeting with lackeys who were only too keen to do Mrs. Green's bidding, they were visibly shocked when Milton Pena, (pictured above)consultant orthopaedic surgeon at the hospital, told the meeting:
"I support the petition for the Board to resign. I have no confidence in the Board. I`ve reported the Trust on three separate occasions to the Health Care Commssion." In 2005, Mr. Pena went public telling the press that elderly and vulnerable patients were being put at risk due to a lack of nursing staff on the wards and were being left unattended for hours. Hospital management responded by disciplining him for speaking out about his concerns.
Outside the building, Mr. Pena, posed for photographs with Liz Degnen, who is campaigning for the dismissal of Mrs. Green and the Board at Tameside hospital. Speaking to the Manchester Evening News, she said:
"I'm pleased Mr. Pena has been bold enough to support our campaign. It takes guts to do what he has done and I think a lot of people admire him for his courage."
SEXUAL ABUSE: Cyril Smith's Family vs Private Eye
THIS WEEKEND the family of Cyril Smith clashed with Private Eye about the image of the former Rochdale MP after the magazine repeated sexual abuse allegations originally published in the Rochdale Alternative Paper (RAP) in May 1979 (the text of the article can be read by clicking on the 'read more' link, below). At the time it had been claimed in RAP that one youth at the Cambridge House boys' hostel that Cyril had 'told me to take my trousers down and hit me four or five times on my bare buttocks' and another said Smith 'had given me a kind of medical examination... he held my testicles and told me to cough.'
In the Rochdale Observer yesterday Cyril's brother Norman castigated these reports in Private Eye saying: 'He (Cyril) thought of nothing else than the people of Rochdale.' He claimed: 'These allegations were proved completely untrue and were dropped.' That, alas, is not how many people remember it! None of the evidence was tested or seriously challenged. At the time RAP's editors declared in conclusion:
'It is not RAP’s function to pronounce on guilt or innocence. We do however believe that the investigation of 1970 should have resulted in a court case. We cannot but believe, like many of the men we interviewed, that had the allegations involved a less prominent person, it would have had exactly that result... Private preferences are, and should remain, personal business. The use of public position for personal gratification at the cost of exploitation of others must be prevented.'
Only last year, one of the former editors of RAP assured me that the paper had a mountain of evidence to prove their case regarding Cyril's behaviour. In the print version of Northern Voices 8 (in the Winter 2007/08 issue) we had suggested that Cyril Smith may have been the subject, along with Jeremy Thorpe, Harold Wilson and others, of a special branch operation called 'Clockwork Orange'. There was a paragraph in RAP's original report of May 1979 that suggested such an interest:
'(7) SPECIAL BRANCH
The file, kept since at Preston, the HQ of Lancashire Constabulary, came to the centre of national events in February/March 1974. Then there was discussion of a possible coalition between the Conservatives and the Liberals. The possibility, if that happened, of leading Liberals holding Ministerial posts, prompted the Special Branch to acquire a copy of the Preston file on Smith which was taken, with special security precautions, to London.'
In the Rochdale Observer yesterday Cyril's brother Norman castigated these reports in Private Eye saying: 'He (Cyril) thought of nothing else than the people of Rochdale.' He claimed: 'These allegations were proved completely untrue and were dropped.' That, alas, is not how many people remember it! None of the evidence was tested or seriously challenged. At the time RAP's editors declared in conclusion:
'It is not RAP’s function to pronounce on guilt or innocence. We do however believe that the investigation of 1970 should have resulted in a court case. We cannot but believe, like many of the men we interviewed, that had the allegations involved a less prominent person, it would have had exactly that result... Private preferences are, and should remain, personal business. The use of public position for personal gratification at the cost of exploitation of others must be prevented.'
Only last year, one of the former editors of RAP assured me that the paper had a mountain of evidence to prove their case regarding Cyril's behaviour. In the print version of Northern Voices 8 (in the Winter 2007/08 issue) we had suggested that Cyril Smith may have been the subject, along with Jeremy Thorpe, Harold Wilson and others, of a special branch operation called 'Clockwork Orange'. There was a paragraph in RAP's original report of May 1979 that suggested such an interest:
'(7) SPECIAL BRANCH
The file, kept since at Preston, the HQ of Lancashire Constabulary, came to the centre of national events in February/March 1974. Then there was discussion of a possible coalition between the Conservatives and the Liberals. The possibility, if that happened, of leading Liberals holding Ministerial posts, prompted the Special Branch to acquire a copy of the Preston file on Smith which was taken, with special security precautions, to London.'
Thursday, 16 September 2010
BOB CROW AT THE TUC
Now it's Swampy, Direct Action & Extra-parliamentary Man ( & Woman)
LAST SUNDAY on Sky TV Bob Crow, General Secretary of the RMT, was calling for Fathers4Justice type actions, but by Wednesday he was reminding a fringe meeting of the National Shop Stewards Network (NSSN) at the Friends Meeting House in Manchester, of Swampy and other extra-parliamentary actions. The Chair, revolutionary syndicalist, Dave Chapple, was moved to ask him if Swampy had now joined the RMT? He said that what was needed was broad based imaginative campaigns in the community and that he thought that this year's TUC conference had been positive with calls for coordinated action and strikes which, in his view, had to be 'political', and he said that, for the first time in many years, the media had turned up in strength. He argued that we had to put forward real social demands.
Linda Taaffe, Secretary of the NSSN, called for a 'strategy of mass action' like the Poll Tax campaigns of the early 1990s. She said it was not just the poll tax riot that had won that battle but rather the determination of ordinary people not to pay the tax. In the end, of course, the Prime Minister who superseded Margaret Thatcher, John Major, had said that as a tax the Poll Tax was 'uncollectable'. Indeed, it was Margaret Thatcher that who through her anti-trade union laws helped bring back the riot to streets of England. In the 1970s and 80s some Industrial Sociologists like Tony Lane and Huw Beynon saw strikes and industrial action as a safety valve in society and some at that time saw the union official as the 'manager of discontent'. Calls for the increasing use of the law to limit the right to strike from people like Boris Johnson may well lead to more insurrectionary, less predictable forms of action
Amid the slogans and rhetoric at the TUC conference and on the streets during the demo last Sunday, there is a sense in the air up here in Manchester of a possibility of summat different on the horizon, summat more exotic perhaps, some alternative action more surprising than an ordinary strike. The utterances of Bob Crow, perhaps unconsciously imply something strange is in the offing and all week senior policemen, with an eye on their own interests, have been warning of social disorder if the cuts are implemented. Perhaps the National Shop Stewards Network will find a role for itself yet.
LAST SUNDAY on Sky TV Bob Crow, General Secretary of the RMT, was calling for Fathers4Justice type actions, but by Wednesday he was reminding a fringe meeting of the National Shop Stewards Network (NSSN) at the Friends Meeting House in Manchester, of Swampy and other extra-parliamentary actions. The Chair, revolutionary syndicalist, Dave Chapple, was moved to ask him if Swampy had now joined the RMT? He said that what was needed was broad based imaginative campaigns in the community and that he thought that this year's TUC conference had been positive with calls for coordinated action and strikes which, in his view, had to be 'political', and he said that, for the first time in many years, the media had turned up in strength. He argued that we had to put forward real social demands.
Linda Taaffe, Secretary of the NSSN, called for a 'strategy of mass action' like the Poll Tax campaigns of the early 1990s. She said it was not just the poll tax riot that had won that battle but rather the determination of ordinary people not to pay the tax. In the end, of course, the Prime Minister who superseded Margaret Thatcher, John Major, had said that as a tax the Poll Tax was 'uncollectable'. Indeed, it was Margaret Thatcher that who through her anti-trade union laws helped bring back the riot to streets of England. In the 1970s and 80s some Industrial Sociologists like Tony Lane and Huw Beynon saw strikes and industrial action as a safety valve in society and some at that time saw the union official as the 'manager of discontent'. Calls for the increasing use of the law to limit the right to strike from people like Boris Johnson may well lead to more insurrectionary, less predictable forms of action
Amid the slogans and rhetoric at the TUC conference and on the streets during the demo last Sunday, there is a sense in the air up here in Manchester of a possibility of summat different on the horizon, summat more exotic perhaps, some alternative action more surprising than an ordinary strike. The utterances of Bob Crow, perhaps unconsciously imply something strange is in the offing and all week senior policemen, with an eye on their own interests, have been warning of social disorder if the cuts are implemented. Perhaps the National Shop Stewards Network will find a role for itself yet.
Tuesday, 14 September 2010
What is Anarcho-Syndicalism?
The common objectives of social movements described as "anarcho-syndicalist", "revolutionary syndicalist" and "industrial syndicalist" is to overthrow capitalism through revolutionary class struggle based on the workplace in order to construct a social order devoid of economic, social and political oppression.
Many socialists believe in political action via parliament and the state to institute socialism , anarcho-syndicalists however reject this approach and concentrate on the revolutionary potential of working class economic organisations e.g. industrial unions, rank and file bodies etc. The emancipation of the working class can thus only be achieved not through political means, but by direct action, culminating in the social general strike and the setting up of workers control of the economy and society.
Anarcho-syndicalists place a major emphasis on decentralisation and horizontal organisation and demonstrate a fundamental opposition to the state compared with syndicalist movements outside of the syndicalist milieu. Syndicalists have been derided by Marxists who slavishly adhere to Leninist orthodoxy. Vide Lenin's "Preface to the pamphlet by Lunacharsky on the attitude of the party towards trade unions (1907)" & "On the Syndicalist and Anarchist deviation in our Party (1921)".
Marxists paint a stereotypical picture of syndicalism as "amorphous", "petty bourgeois", "atheoretical" and "neglectful of politics and the state". This couldn't be further from the truth. Revolutionary Anarcho-Syndicalism has developed a sustained analysis of class struggle. Historically, it has articulated a cohesive structure of aims and methodology. Furthermore, Anarcho-Syndicalism is overtly political and recognises the importance of challenging state structures and the power of capital. Syndicalism has achieved mass support among factory workers, miners and craftsmen.
In the UK there has been a multiplicity of syndicalist movements e.g. Industrial Syndicalist Education League, British Advocates of Industrial Unionism, Industrial Union of Direct-Actionists, Industrial Workers of Great Britain, Syndicalist Workers Federation, Direct Action Movement etc.
Within the National Shop Stewards Network, Anarcho-Syndicalists are addressing the central issue of revolutionary class struggle and breaking the link between the Unions and the Labour Party.
Many socialists believe in political action via parliament and the state to institute socialism , anarcho-syndicalists however reject this approach and concentrate on the revolutionary potential of working class economic organisations e.g. industrial unions, rank and file bodies etc. The emancipation of the working class can thus only be achieved not through political means, but by direct action, culminating in the social general strike and the setting up of workers control of the economy and society.
Anarcho-syndicalists place a major emphasis on decentralisation and horizontal organisation and demonstrate a fundamental opposition to the state compared with syndicalist movements outside of the syndicalist milieu. Syndicalists have been derided by Marxists who slavishly adhere to Leninist orthodoxy. Vide Lenin's "Preface to the pamphlet by Lunacharsky on the attitude of the party towards trade unions (1907)" & "On the Syndicalist and Anarchist deviation in our Party (1921)".
Marxists paint a stereotypical picture of syndicalism as "amorphous", "petty bourgeois", "atheoretical" and "neglectful of politics and the state". This couldn't be further from the truth. Revolutionary Anarcho-Syndicalism has developed a sustained analysis of class struggle. Historically, it has articulated a cohesive structure of aims and methodology. Furthermore, Anarcho-Syndicalism is overtly political and recognises the importance of challenging state structures and the power of capital. Syndicalism has achieved mass support among factory workers, miners and craftsmen.
In the UK there has been a multiplicity of syndicalist movements e.g. Industrial Syndicalist Education League, British Advocates of Industrial Unionism, Industrial Union of Direct-Actionists, Industrial Workers of Great Britain, Syndicalist Workers Federation, Direct Action Movement etc.
Within the National Shop Stewards Network, Anarcho-Syndicalists are addressing the central issue of revolutionary class struggle and breaking the link between the Unions and the Labour Party.
BLACKLISTED FILM FRINGE: Professor calls for action at European Court
ON the day that the TUC Conference moved a motion to fight to get the Government to outlaw blacklisting, a fringe meeting organised by the Manchester Campaign Against the Blacklist hosted a TUC fringe meeting and Film Premier that attracted close to 100 people at the Central Methodist Hall. The UCATT motion at the TUC Conference demanded that 'blacklisting be made a specific criminal offence' and the that workers have 'an automatic right to be informed, should a blacklist be discovered on which their name appears.' The Fringe Meeting ran a film in which victims of the blacklist were interviewed and shown campaigning against the practice.
Professor Keith Ewing, from the Institute of Employment Rights and author of the UCATT report 'Spoiled Lives' on the legal aspects of blacklisting, told the meeting that there ought to be a complaint to the International Labour Organisation (a UN body) that had in 1992 determined that the British Government was in breach of human rights in respect of the right someone to be a member of a trade union and that the evidence of blacklisting also made a case at the European Court of Human Rights now likely. He said that companies operating blacklists fell foul of Human Rights laws in two respects:
Article 8 provides a right to respect for privacy and this could only be set aside if the government could show it was 'necessary': and Pro. Ewing said in the case of blacklisting it would not be possible to show it was 'necessary'.
Article 11 provides a right to freedom of association: the evidence shows that the companies were using blacklisting to hinder freedom of association.
He said: breaches of the European Convention of Human Rights meant that people subject to the blacklist would be entitled to a remedy and compensation.
Some at the meeting criticised the length of time it would take to get all this through the legal process and others challenged the failures of the previous Labour Government to do anything serious about blacklisting or the anti-trade union laws. Even John McDonnell as a Labour MP was on the defensive saying that the previous Government hadn't been 'Labour' but had been 'New Labour'. Mr McDonnell characterised himself as 'Real Labour'. A newsletter 'Our Next Step' claiming to come from some 'northern syndicalists allied to the National Shop Stewards Network' was circulated at the meeting arguing that British trade unions should break with the Labour Party.
Professor Keith Ewing, from the Institute of Employment Rights and author of the UCATT report 'Spoiled Lives' on the legal aspects of blacklisting, told the meeting that there ought to be a complaint to the International Labour Organisation (a UN body) that had in 1992 determined that the British Government was in breach of human rights in respect of the right someone to be a member of a trade union and that the evidence of blacklisting also made a case at the European Court of Human Rights now likely. He said that companies operating blacklists fell foul of Human Rights laws in two respects:
Article 8 provides a right to respect for privacy and this could only be set aside if the government could show it was 'necessary': and Pro. Ewing said in the case of blacklisting it would not be possible to show it was 'necessary'.
Article 11 provides a right to freedom of association: the evidence shows that the companies were using blacklisting to hinder freedom of association.
He said: breaches of the European Convention of Human Rights meant that people subject to the blacklist would be entitled to a remedy and compensation.
Some at the meeting criticised the length of time it would take to get all this through the legal process and others challenged the failures of the previous Labour Government to do anything serious about blacklisting or the anti-trade union laws. Even John McDonnell as a Labour MP was on the defensive saying that the previous Government hadn't been 'Labour' but had been 'New Labour'. Mr McDonnell characterised himself as 'Real Labour'. A newsletter 'Our Next Step' claiming to come from some 'northern syndicalists allied to the National Shop Stewards Network' was circulated at the meeting arguing that British trade unions should break with the Labour Party.
Monday, 13 September 2010
THE PUBLIC SECTOR: PERSISTENTLY PROTESTING
IT was a very English demo. Yesterday, in Manchester, saw what Dave Chapple, President of the National Shop Stewards Network, described as the 'first national demonstration against the Coalition Government's cuts' and their slogan was that the 'TUC Must Call a Demo'. Well that should scare the Coalition! But were they merely pushing at an open door all the time? Today, the TUC has declared that it is planning a 'campaign' against the cuts.
Last night, SKY TV and other media captured the occasion on the evening news: 500 flag waving demonstrators outside the convention centre at Manchester's G-Mex. Bob Crow, General Secretary of the RMT, calling for co-ordinated strikes and civil disobedience and right winger, Les Bayliss of Unite the Union, saying this will be suicide.
All the usual suspects were on parade - the Socialist Party with their 'New Workers' Party'; the SWP with its Right to Work campaign; the refashioned communists; Trade Union and Trades Council banners from up and down the country; even a handful of folk from the Manchester Solidarity Federation. Young syndicalists like Becca (UNISON) from Birmingham addressed the crowd and the old anarcho-syndicalist former miner Dave Douglass (NUM) from Northumbria told us that great industries like coal mining did not die 'they were slaughtered' by Thatcher and Major.
This is a movement – the National Shop Stewards Network – that is backed by public sector unions such as RMT; PCS; CWU; the National NUM and the POA. So yesterday's demo was about preserving jobs in the public sector and not about a new world order. Calling on the TUC to call a national demonstration against the public sector cuts must be one of the most timid demands imaginable and this conservativism of the British left is typical. Bob Crow sounds militant and even harks back to the poll tax riots but expectations of radical social change seem very remote at the moment.
Last night, SKY TV and other media captured the occasion on the evening news: 500 flag waving demonstrators outside the convention centre at Manchester's G-Mex. Bob Crow, General Secretary of the RMT, calling for co-ordinated strikes and civil disobedience and right winger, Les Bayliss of Unite the Union, saying this will be suicide.
All the usual suspects were on parade - the Socialist Party with their 'New Workers' Party'; the SWP with its Right to Work campaign; the refashioned communists; Trade Union and Trades Council banners from up and down the country; even a handful of folk from the Manchester Solidarity Federation. Young syndicalists like Becca (UNISON) from Birmingham addressed the crowd and the old anarcho-syndicalist former miner Dave Douglass (NUM) from Northumbria told us that great industries like coal mining did not die 'they were slaughtered' by Thatcher and Major.
This is a movement – the National Shop Stewards Network – that is backed by public sector unions such as RMT; PCS; CWU; the National NUM and the POA. So yesterday's demo was about preserving jobs in the public sector and not about a new world order. Calling on the TUC to call a national demonstration against the public sector cuts must be one of the most timid demands imaginable and this conservativism of the British left is typical. Bob Crow sounds militant and even harks back to the poll tax riots but expectations of radical social change seem very remote at the moment.
Friday, 10 September 2010
BLACKLISTED: Film Premier & TUC Fringe Meeting
The first showing of Blacklisted, a new documentary about the illegal Consulting Association's blacklist of 3,213 building workers. This secret data-base was used by multi-national building firms to stop trade unionists who had raised concerns about safety and unpaid wages from getting jobs.
Speakers:
John McDonnell MP
Professor Keith Ewing: Institute of Employment Rights
Shaun Dey: Film Director - Reel News
Chris Murphy: UCATT Executive Council
plus blacklisted buildingworkers & Bury Binmen from
UCATT & UNITE>
Monday 13th, September at 5.30pm,
METHODIST CENTRAL HALL, Oldham Street, off Piccadilly in Manchester City Centre.
Speakers:
John McDonnell MP
Professor Keith Ewing: Institute of Employment Rights
Shaun Dey: Film Director - Reel News
Chris Murphy: UCATT Executive Council
plus blacklisted buildingworkers & Bury Binmen from
UCATT & UNITE>
Monday 13th, September at 5.30pm,
METHODIST CENTRAL HALL, Oldham Street, off Piccadilly in Manchester City Centre.
Tameside considers a blue plaque for James Keogh
Last week, an Arts & Events panel for Tameside MBC considered an application from Tameside TUC that James Keogh be awarded a blue plaque in tribute to him and other volunteers from the Tameside area who served in the Spanish Civil War in the 1930s. If a blue plaque is awarded to James Keogh and the others, it is expected that the event will take place later next year.
Monday, 16 August 2010
ARROGANT ACADEMICS & AN HONEST HISTORIAN
'AGAINST METHOD': RICHARD BAXELL'S ADMISSION
RICHARD BAXELL'S TALK [7TH, August] on his book 'Anti-Fascistas', containing a collection of voices from British volunteerS in the Spanish Civil War, culminated in questions about such things as the 'May Days' (the suppression of the POUM & undermining of the CNT in May 1937) about 'How much the International Brigade volunteers knew?'; the execution of dissidents and deserters eg 'How widespread were these?', etc. My question was on his methodology: asking how he selected his material for inclusion in the text and how this kind of work differed from a journalistic account such as George Orwell's in 'Homage to Catalonia'?
Mr Baxell's reply was quite subversive arguing that he published what to him appeared 'poignant or what jumped-out at me'. His use of the word 'poignant' in the selection process is revealing and my Reader's Digest Universal Dictionary defines it as meaning: 'Appealing to the emotions; affecting; touching: poignant sentiment'. This was a honest reply and one that did not seek to invoke superior knowledge or some grand methodology only known to initiated into the historical community or belonging to some special interpretive community of historians. What Baxell, who also wrote the valuable 'British Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War' [2004], was saying was that his editorship was intuitive endeavour, a subjective thing that was more art than science and that anyone, given a bit of time and effort could do.
How different is this response to that of an historian like Paul Preston who attacked George Orwell's 'Homage to Catalonia' declaring that 'I would rank "Homage to Catalonia" alongside Spike Milligan's "Adolf Hitler: My part in His Downfall", another interesting book by someone who was a foot-soldier playing a tiny part in a much wider conflict'. What the swaggering swanking historian of Professor Paul Preston's demeanour is claiming here is that he as a distinguished historian and member of the community of scholars at a southern university can embrace a level of knowledge that far surpasses that of the ordinary member or eyewitness to events: it implies that the little people like Orwell and Milligan and the rest of us cannot grasp the 'wider conflict' which will only be available to the great scholar. It is this claim to historical superiority and special knowledge that, I suppose, comes with the job of Professor at the London School of Economics and is a kind of occupational disease; which for people like Preston there is no known cure: note here that one of the best books in English on Spain written in the 20th century - 'The Spanish Labyrinth' - was authored by a man, Gerald Brenan, who was an auto-didact and no academic background of note.
The social sciences suffer from a severe inferiority complex generally and they try to make up for this by the kind kind of long-haired supercilious swaggering scholarship portrayed by Professor Preston in his remarks on Orwell and Spike Milligan. Thank God, there have been challenges within the social sciences to these superior claims by academics like Paul Preston from sociologists like Harold Garfinkel in his 'Studies in Ethomethodology' [1967]. Fortunately younger historians like Richard Baxell and the Cornish man, Louis Mates, now living up in the North East, and who recently published 'The Spanish Civil War & the British Left' about the impact of that war on the North East of England, are thankfully more modest in their claims. As a social science history and the historians have much to be modest about.
RICHARD BAXELL'S TALK [7TH, August] on his book 'Anti-Fascistas', containing a collection of voices from British volunteerS in the Spanish Civil War, culminated in questions about such things as the 'May Days' (the suppression of the POUM & undermining of the CNT in May 1937) about 'How much the International Brigade volunteers knew?'; the execution of dissidents and deserters eg 'How widespread were these?', etc. My question was on his methodology: asking how he selected his material for inclusion in the text and how this kind of work differed from a journalistic account such as George Orwell's in 'Homage to Catalonia'?
Mr Baxell's reply was quite subversive arguing that he published what to him appeared 'poignant or what jumped-out at me'. His use of the word 'poignant' in the selection process is revealing and my Reader's Digest Universal Dictionary defines it as meaning: 'Appealing to the emotions; affecting; touching: poignant sentiment'. This was a honest reply and one that did not seek to invoke superior knowledge or some grand methodology only known to initiated into the historical community or belonging to some special interpretive community of historians. What Baxell, who also wrote the valuable 'British Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War' [2004], was saying was that his editorship was intuitive endeavour, a subjective thing that was more art than science and that anyone, given a bit of time and effort could do.
How different is this response to that of an historian like Paul Preston who attacked George Orwell's 'Homage to Catalonia' declaring that 'I would rank "Homage to Catalonia" alongside Spike Milligan's "Adolf Hitler: My part in His Downfall", another interesting book by someone who was a foot-soldier playing a tiny part in a much wider conflict'. What the swaggering swanking historian of Professor Paul Preston's demeanour is claiming here is that he as a distinguished historian and member of the community of scholars at a southern university can embrace a level of knowledge that far surpasses that of the ordinary member or eyewitness to events: it implies that the little people like Orwell and Milligan and the rest of us cannot grasp the 'wider conflict' which will only be available to the great scholar. It is this claim to historical superiority and special knowledge that, I suppose, comes with the job of Professor at the London School of Economics and is a kind of occupational disease; which for people like Preston there is no known cure: note here that one of the best books in English on Spain written in the 20th century - 'The Spanish Labyrinth' - was authored by a man, Gerald Brenan, who was an auto-didact and no academic background of note.
The social sciences suffer from a severe inferiority complex generally and they try to make up for this by the kind kind of long-haired supercilious swaggering scholarship portrayed by Professor Preston in his remarks on Orwell and Spike Milligan. Thank God, there have been challenges within the social sciences to these superior claims by academics like Paul Preston from sociologists like Harold Garfinkel in his 'Studies in Ethomethodology' [1967]. Fortunately younger historians like Richard Baxell and the Cornish man, Louis Mates, now living up in the North East, and who recently published 'The Spanish Civil War & the British Left' about the impact of that war on the North East of England, are thankfully more modest in their claims. As a social science history and the historians have much to be modest about.
Sunday, 8 August 2010
Richard Baxell Lecture on the International Brigades in the Spanish Civil War
Richard Baxell gave a lecture on the British Battalion of the International Brigades (IB) during the Spanish Civil War. I posed some searching questions about desertions and executions carried out by the communist leadership of the IBs. Marty, the French Communist leader of the IBs whose epithet was "the butcher of Albacete", claimed 500 executions of members of the International Brigades. Baxell tended to evade the questions and gave rather ambiguous replies. He did, however, acknowledge the existence of Camp Lukacs run by the communist commissars and euphemistically described it as a re-education camp for deserters. The sordid history of the role of the communist leadership of the IBs has been exposed in R Dan Richardson's "Comintern Army", Radosh et al's "Spain Betrayed" and James Hopkins' "Into the Heart of the Fire".
ANTI-FASCISTAS & CNT IN MANCHESTER
YESTERDAY, two events took place in Manchester: one organised by the Solidarity Federation at the Town Hall Tavern was addressed by a young man from the Spanish CNT in Tarragona, Diego Delgado, and the other organised by the International Brigade Memorial Trust at the Peoples' History Museum entitled Antifascistas was presented by the historian, Richard Baxell. The Cenitista meeting was in a the upstairs room of the pub and had over 30 people present. Diego spoke for over an hour outlining the history of the emergence of the CNT in Spain from the early pre-runners such as federalism to about the beginning of the Second Republic in 1931. It was a detailed, in depth, talk dealing with predecessor trade unions and federations particularly strong in Andalucia and Catalonia, up to the founding of the CNT itself in 1910. The CNT called the National Confederation of Labour was set up following the Barcelona events of the Semana Tragica (Tragic Week) in 1909. After the persecutions that followed, it was thought necessary to have a national organisation to protect workers rather than loose regional federations and it marked a shift towards syndicalism, and the general strike in the style of the French CGT.
Despite this, the reaction of the Catalan workers in Barcelona during the Semana Tragica showed the distinctive nature of the Spanish movement as opposed to the syndicalism of France, England and northern Europe. The Catalans did not succumb when the Government in Madrid called up the reserves to fight in Morocco in 1909 to war-mania like British and French workers did in 1914. The people of Barcelona were anti-war then, perhaps because of their experience of what had happened to their young men in the war in Cuba when they returned starving and suffering from malaria. The British, German and French workers in 1914, despite the advance of their respective industrial revolutions, the development of class consciousness and disciplined trade unions, flocked to fight each other when their Governments made its appeal and they did so without conscription.
Why was this the case? Well the difference of Spanish history and national characteristics must have something to do with it, but the strong establishment of an anarchist culture with its capacity to educate workers, create initiatives and build solidarity must also have been a big factor. The northerners were well disciplined and possibly better educated, in the German case profoundly so, but they lacked the Spanish and Catalan spirit of anarchism.
It was noticed that Diego finished his talk in 1931, and thus missed out the developments of the CNT under the Second Republic and in the Civil War. This might have presented some difficulties because these periods involved problems for the Spanish CNT and later a compromise of principle during the Civil War; though it must be said we left the meeting at 2pm to go to the Antifascistas event and these matters may have been raised during question time.
The Antifascistas event was bigger possible 200 strong. Richard Baxell who wrote an history of the involvement of the British Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War in 2005 was now promoting the booklet 'Antifascistas' published jointly by the International Brigade Memorial Trust & Lawrence & Wishart. His talk, I suspect, was more valuable to people with some knowledge of the Spanish War than the book which looks like the Spanish Civil War for beginners. He broke with the usual nostalgic narrative of these events to present a series of ethnographic accounts by participants and volunteers in the war. This was at once more colourful and realistic with the kind of brutal trench talk and banter on powerpoint that marks so much of everyday life as it was lived on the front during that war. We discussed afterwards the need to get away from the old romantic presentations of this war and give more lifelike accounts by people who took part using. There has been far too much historical glossing by people like Paul Preston, who will next year no doubt be bringing out further editions of their old histories of the Spanish Civil War to co-inside with the 75th anniversary of the start of that war.
Despite this, the reaction of the Catalan workers in Barcelona during the Semana Tragica showed the distinctive nature of the Spanish movement as opposed to the syndicalism of France, England and northern Europe. The Catalans did not succumb when the Government in Madrid called up the reserves to fight in Morocco in 1909 to war-mania like British and French workers did in 1914. The people of Barcelona were anti-war then, perhaps because of their experience of what had happened to their young men in the war in Cuba when they returned starving and suffering from malaria. The British, German and French workers in 1914, despite the advance of their respective industrial revolutions, the development of class consciousness and disciplined trade unions, flocked to fight each other when their Governments made its appeal and they did so without conscription.
Why was this the case? Well the difference of Spanish history and national characteristics must have something to do with it, but the strong establishment of an anarchist culture with its capacity to educate workers, create initiatives and build solidarity must also have been a big factor. The northerners were well disciplined and possibly better educated, in the German case profoundly so, but they lacked the Spanish and Catalan spirit of anarchism.
It was noticed that Diego finished his talk in 1931, and thus missed out the developments of the CNT under the Second Republic and in the Civil War. This might have presented some difficulties because these periods involved problems for the Spanish CNT and later a compromise of principle during the Civil War; though it must be said we left the meeting at 2pm to go to the Antifascistas event and these matters may have been raised during question time.
The Antifascistas event was bigger possible 200 strong. Richard Baxell who wrote an history of the involvement of the British Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War in 2005 was now promoting the booklet 'Antifascistas' published jointly by the International Brigade Memorial Trust & Lawrence & Wishart. His talk, I suspect, was more valuable to people with some knowledge of the Spanish War than the book which looks like the Spanish Civil War for beginners. He broke with the usual nostalgic narrative of these events to present a series of ethnographic accounts by participants and volunteers in the war. This was at once more colourful and realistic with the kind of brutal trench talk and banter on powerpoint that marks so much of everyday life as it was lived on the front during that war. We discussed afterwards the need to get away from the old romantic presentations of this war and give more lifelike accounts by people who took part using. There has been far too much historical glossing by people like Paul Preston, who will next year no doubt be bringing out further editions of their old histories of the Spanish Civil War to co-inside with the 75th anniversary of the start of that war.
Saturday, 7 August 2010
EARTHQUAKES, COAL & 'THE WORKERS' NEXT STEP'
Rousseau vs Voltaire; Whittaker vs Douglas?
The other week I had an email from Dave Douglass, the famous NUM militant who has just published his memoirs of the Miners' Strike of 1984-5, who said he was not willing to review our booklet 'The Workers' Next Step' – a discussion document considering the modern day issues surrounding ideas put forward almost 100 years ago by the South Wales Miners' Federation in their 'The Miners' Next Step'; Dave said he was not willing to review the booklet because of a contribution by Rachel Whittaker, the anarchist environmentalist and conservationist. Both Dave and Rachel support a body called the Northern Anarchist Network. Dave, now a retired miner living in South Shields, believes in clean coal and the NUM; while Rachel from Shropshire rejects this, supporting campaigns like the Climate Camp.
In a way this dispute fought out some years ago at a NAN conference reminds me of the 18th century dispute between Rousseau and Voltaire. This year has seen two serious earthquakes – one in Haiti and the other in Santiago in Chile – and it was the Lisbon earthquake in 1755 that led to the famous quarrel between these great two thinkers. Voltaire wrote a poem on the Providential government of the world. Rousseau replied: 'Voltaire, in seeming always to believe in God, never really believed in anybody but the devil, since his pretended God is maleficent. Being who according to him finds all his pleasure in working mischief. The absurdity of this doctrine is especially revolting in a man (Voltaire) crowned with good things of every sort, and who in the midst of his own happiness tries to fill his fellow-creatures with despair, by the cruel and terrible image of the serious calamities from which he is himself free.'
Rousseau saw no reason to make a fuss about the earthquake and thought it a good thing that a few people should get killed now and then. Besides, the people of Lisbon suffered because they lived in houses several stories high; if they had been dispersed in the woods, as people ought to be, they would have escaped uninjured. One wonders, reading this, if the people living in shacks and shanty towns in Haiti and Chile fared better than those in the big houses? Is modern living bad for us? Should we return to the woods from whence we came with Rachel Whittaker? Or should we, with Dave Douglass, huddle round the fireside stoking the cinders? Should we invoke Rousseau with his implied classical anarchism and return to the wilds, or should we stop indoors and enjoy the comforts of modern living and the enlightenment with a more liberal-minded Voltaire?
In 1755, Voltaire replied to Rousseau's essay 'Discourse on Inequality', in which Rousseau had argued that 'man is naturally good, and is only by institutions made bad'. Voltaire responded thus: 'I have received your new book against the human race, and thank you for it. Never was such cleverness used in the design of making us all stupid. One longs, in reading your book to walk on all fours. But as I have lost that habit for more than sixty years, I feel unhappily the impossibility of resuming it...'
Do we don our woolly jumpers from Oxfam and retreat to a farm in the mountains of Iberia with Rachel Whittaker in the spirit of Rousseau? Or do we jump in Dave Douglass' scrappage-scheme car and visit Beamish Museum with its drift mine colliery?
Meanwhile, our NV publication 'The Workers' Next Step' languishes on the bookshelves almost unwanted: Dave Douglass won't review it and the Peoples History Museum, which happily stocks Northern Voices and sells our Spanish Civil War booklet like hot cakes, has rejected it. Housmans bookshop in London has said the poor reception may have something to do with the Lucien Freud illustration of a 'Benefit Officer Sleeping' on the front cover and the lady at Bookcase at Hebden Bridge said she didn't expect it to do as well as our Spanish booklet. Another explanation may be that, since the defeat of the miners, workers are no longer fashionable in our post-modern world.
The other week I had an email from Dave Douglass, the famous NUM militant who has just published his memoirs of the Miners' Strike of 1984-5, who said he was not willing to review our booklet 'The Workers' Next Step' – a discussion document considering the modern day issues surrounding ideas put forward almost 100 years ago by the South Wales Miners' Federation in their 'The Miners' Next Step'; Dave said he was not willing to review the booklet because of a contribution by Rachel Whittaker, the anarchist environmentalist and conservationist. Both Dave and Rachel support a body called the Northern Anarchist Network. Dave, now a retired miner living in South Shields, believes in clean coal and the NUM; while Rachel from Shropshire rejects this, supporting campaigns like the Climate Camp.
In a way this dispute fought out some years ago at a NAN conference reminds me of the 18th century dispute between Rousseau and Voltaire. This year has seen two serious earthquakes – one in Haiti and the other in Santiago in Chile – and it was the Lisbon earthquake in 1755 that led to the famous quarrel between these great two thinkers. Voltaire wrote a poem on the Providential government of the world. Rousseau replied: 'Voltaire, in seeming always to believe in God, never really believed in anybody but the devil, since his pretended God is maleficent. Being who according to him finds all his pleasure in working mischief. The absurdity of this doctrine is especially revolting in a man (Voltaire) crowned with good things of every sort, and who in the midst of his own happiness tries to fill his fellow-creatures with despair, by the cruel and terrible image of the serious calamities from which he is himself free.'
Rousseau saw no reason to make a fuss about the earthquake and thought it a good thing that a few people should get killed now and then. Besides, the people of Lisbon suffered because they lived in houses several stories high; if they had been dispersed in the woods, as people ought to be, they would have escaped uninjured. One wonders, reading this, if the people living in shacks and shanty towns in Haiti and Chile fared better than those in the big houses? Is modern living bad for us? Should we return to the woods from whence we came with Rachel Whittaker? Or should we, with Dave Douglass, huddle round the fireside stoking the cinders? Should we invoke Rousseau with his implied classical anarchism and return to the wilds, or should we stop indoors and enjoy the comforts of modern living and the enlightenment with a more liberal-minded Voltaire?
In 1755, Voltaire replied to Rousseau's essay 'Discourse on Inequality', in which Rousseau had argued that 'man is naturally good, and is only by institutions made bad'. Voltaire responded thus: 'I have received your new book against the human race, and thank you for it. Never was such cleverness used in the design of making us all stupid. One longs, in reading your book to walk on all fours. But as I have lost that habit for more than sixty years, I feel unhappily the impossibility of resuming it...'
Do we don our woolly jumpers from Oxfam and retreat to a farm in the mountains of Iberia with Rachel Whittaker in the spirit of Rousseau? Or do we jump in Dave Douglass' scrappage-scheme car and visit Beamish Museum with its drift mine colliery?
Meanwhile, our NV publication 'The Workers' Next Step' languishes on the bookshelves almost unwanted: Dave Douglass won't review it and the Peoples History Museum, which happily stocks Northern Voices and sells our Spanish Civil War booklet like hot cakes, has rejected it. Housmans bookshop in London has said the poor reception may have something to do with the Lucien Freud illustration of a 'Benefit Officer Sleeping' on the front cover and the lady at Bookcase at Hebden Bridge said she didn't expect it to do as well as our Spanish booklet. Another explanation may be that, since the defeat of the miners, workers are no longer fashionable in our post-modern world.
Monday, 2 August 2010
NEW CHARTER TENANT ACCUSED OF STARING AT ADULTS & CHILDREN!
Tenant Steve Fisher has become something of a bête noire to his landlord New Charter Housing Trust in Tameside. In June we reported on Mr. Fisher's abortive attempts to become a tenant director of New Charter Housing Trust. Mr.Fisher, aged 53, who has lived at his current address for 26 years, had been told by John Arden, Director of Business and Assurance that his nomination was unacceptable because he was considered too 'adversarial'. For the last 2 years, Mr. Fisher has also been banned from entering New Charter offices and he's prohibited from speaking to any New Charter staff, other than John Arden, his go-between to New Charter.Last week Mr. Fisher received a rather strange and perplexing letter from his go-between, John Arden. Writing to express how much New Charter valued his commitment in addressing Anti-social behaviour in the area where he lived, he then went on to add:
"I wish to inform you I have received some complaints of concern about the way in which you may have been gathering the information submitted to us. There is a perception that you are standing at your bedroom window, for long periods of time, staring at adults and children whilst they are present in their home or garden space.These complainants have expressed feeling very uncomfortable by your behavior (sic). I am aware that you have used binoculars to gather information which may also be seen as excessive and an intrusion of privacy....I must encourage you, however, to avoid placing yourself in a position where you may be singled out and place yourself at risk."
In his letter John Arden, says that he is also concerned about 'warlike' comments made by Fisher and that New Charter always encourages a 'cohesive, friendly community, promoting unity and understanding in the positive endeavors (sic) of all residents'. Pass the sick bucket! Mr. Arden then ends by warning Fisher: "A 'warlike' attitude within the area, where there are many children is undesirable in assisting the needs of an evolving community and, indeed, is contrary to the purpose of the assistance you have afforded. I trust....I will not receive further complaints in regards to your conduct."
It seems that dealing with New Charter, on the subject of anti-social behaviour can be quite perilous and hazardous for those who are prepared to stand up and be counted. One is never quite sure what side of the street New Charter are standing on! No doubt those pre-simian life-forms who engage in anti-social behaviour to wreck the lives of others will derive great consolation from the words of Mr. Arden.
SOUTHERNERS: LET THEM EAT SQUIRREL!
THE DAILY MAIL has just reported that a branch the Budgens supermarket in North London has been selling the hindquarters of grey squirrel for months. The animal-loving fraternity of Fascists are already on the warpath condemning this imaginative move. I use the term 'Fascist' deliberately because as you may well know there are a lot of Jews living in North London, who would enjoy the lean meat that the grey squirrel provides. Not only that but that other persecuted group the Gypsies, who also enjoyed the hospitality of Hitler's Nazis, are known to eat squirrel. Hence, the persecution of squirrel eaters could have deep roots.
There are reasons other than those of ethnic identity to eat squirrel: as I perused my Daily Telegraph on Saturday I spotted Robin Page's column entitled 'Seeing red about grey squirrels' in his Country Diary. Mr. Page expresses his irritation at British conservation bodies for failing to 'come clean' about 'this [grey] alien from North America - egg eater, fledgling destroyer and tree damager.' He says that the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds is 'bemoaning the fact that in 16 of Britain's overseas territories, alien species were causing havoc to indigenous wildlife.' According to him there are 3 million grey squirrels in Britain: the other week I was at Formby near Southport in Lancashire, where there was serious decline last year in the red squirrel population owing to a squirrel-pox virus spread by the grey squirrel.
The Telegraph is offering a recipe for Braised squirrel claiming: 'The Victorian delicacy is back on the menu' – telegraph.co.uk/earth
The grey squirrel has been described as 'a rat with good public relations'. However, Northern Voices suggests that the best squirrels for good eating are available in the autumn when they have been stuffing themselves on a strictly vegetarian diet. This means that we can safely run a recipe for squirrel in the coming issue NV12. The reason we can safely adopt squirrel as a northern dish without losing our regional identity is that as I understand it the front half can be fed to Willy Eckerslikes' ferrets and we can use the hindquarters ourselves.
There are reasons other than those of ethnic identity to eat squirrel: as I perused my Daily Telegraph on Saturday I spotted Robin Page's column entitled 'Seeing red about grey squirrels' in his Country Diary. Mr. Page expresses his irritation at British conservation bodies for failing to 'come clean' about 'this [grey] alien from North America - egg eater, fledgling destroyer and tree damager.' He says that the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds is 'bemoaning the fact that in 16 of Britain's overseas territories, alien species were causing havoc to indigenous wildlife.' According to him there are 3 million grey squirrels in Britain: the other week I was at Formby near Southport in Lancashire, where there was serious decline last year in the red squirrel population owing to a squirrel-pox virus spread by the grey squirrel.
The Telegraph is offering a recipe for Braised squirrel claiming: 'The Victorian delicacy is back on the menu' – telegraph.co.uk/earth
The grey squirrel has been described as 'a rat with good public relations'. However, Northern Voices suggests that the best squirrels for good eating are available in the autumn when they have been stuffing themselves on a strictly vegetarian diet. This means that we can safely run a recipe for squirrel in the coming issue NV12. The reason we can safely adopt squirrel as a northern dish without losing our regional identity is that as I understand it the front half can be fed to Willy Eckerslikes' ferrets and we can use the hindquarters ourselves.
The Yorkshire Post & the alien Beef Curry
LAST WEEK, the Yorkshire Post ended its 'deliciously yorkshire' series of ten recipes with a liquorice Cake from ProperMaid. What troubles Northern Voices is that its No.6 recipe card was Aberdeen Angus Beef Curry from Cedar Barn Farm Shop & Cafe, Pickering. Now while Mandy & Karl Avison at Cedar Barn may claim that they are 'dedicated to fresh wholesome food sourced as locally as possible' and that they 'provide their own free range eggs ...... and the beef is home-reared Aberdeen Angus', is it really authentically Yorkshire to offer us a beef curry? Aberdeen being north of Northumbria and curry having colonial connections usually associated with the Indian sub-continent. It hardly meets Chris Draper's standards of regional authenticity as expressed in his review of Northern Tea Time Treats in the current issue of Northern Voices.
Friday, 30 July 2010
Review: 'Shed Your Tears & Walk Away' by Jez Lewis
Noticing the Natives in Hebden Bridge
A FEW YEARS AGO my grand-daughter, who lives in the working-class town Todmorden, said she was not going to secondary school in nearby Hebden Bridge because there 'Mi Mum says all the "druggies" come out in the afternoon'. At the time I thought that that was a false view or excuse to keep her out of Hebden based on 'inverted snobbery', imposed upon her by her mother who didn't really care for the middle-class incomers from the South and elsewhere who swarm round the streets of this former small mill town. I didn't at that time believe there was a drug problem in Hebden; in a way I idealised it having first gone there as a kid of ten or eleven around 1950-1, when I was shocked by the broadness of their Yorkshire dialect: living in Lancashire, I'd never heard nowt like it.
It only goes to show that not only are some things 'seen but unnoticed' but that we also hear what people say but don't digest it: 'Shed Your Your Tears & Walk Away' is a film about the genuine natives of Hebden Bridge, the folk I was once dazzled by when I went there to buy tropical fish from old Marnie with my Dad. The children and grandchildren of the people I saw and heard and so admired for their rough talk in 1951, have now been deposed by upper-class incomers.
Mostly it takes place in an exotic setting, near the park, against a dramatic backdrop of a lush green landscape both in the centre of Hebden and in the surrounding hills around Heptonstall, where a former poet laureate used to live, and another poet is buried. Indeed, a lot of the action is played out in front of a newish apartment block where till recently two anarchist incomers, one a member of the Northern Voices editorial panel, used to live. With the mills gone these lads and lassies in the film have become society's rejects - almost foreigners in their own land inhabiting a kind of nether world; a world within a world that most of us walk past without noticing. The town is full of tourists during the day, like nearby Howarth, and where there where once antique shops there are now cafes, bookshops and a sun dial in St. Georges Square.
The film is both directed & narrated by a former native of Hebden, Jez Lewis, who went to London, but came back because he was concerned about his friends from school who where dying at a frighteningly young age. People in the film attack the cultural colonisation of Hebden by incomers, it seems the jobs are just not there for people who make things anymore. Instead, there is a vegan bakers on Market Street, where now an anarcho-syndicalist member of the Solidarity Federation who works at Leeds University and comments on gender politics, goes to buy his vegan croissants in the morning.
________________________________________________________
Chris Draper commenting yesterday on the above film says that he doesn't expect to include it in his forthcoming feature on Six o' the Best Northern Films in Northern Voicies 12 because it is not a commercial film and is a documentary. There will be a more refective review in the Bit on the Side section of NV12.
A FEW YEARS AGO my grand-daughter, who lives in the working-class town Todmorden, said she was not going to secondary school in nearby Hebden Bridge because there 'Mi Mum says all the "druggies" come out in the afternoon'. At the time I thought that that was a false view or excuse to keep her out of Hebden based on 'inverted snobbery', imposed upon her by her mother who didn't really care for the middle-class incomers from the South and elsewhere who swarm round the streets of this former small mill town. I didn't at that time believe there was a drug problem in Hebden; in a way I idealised it having first gone there as a kid of ten or eleven around 1950-1, when I was shocked by the broadness of their Yorkshire dialect: living in Lancashire, I'd never heard nowt like it.
It only goes to show that not only are some things 'seen but unnoticed' but that we also hear what people say but don't digest it: 'Shed Your Your Tears & Walk Away' is a film about the genuine natives of Hebden Bridge, the folk I was once dazzled by when I went there to buy tropical fish from old Marnie with my Dad. The children and grandchildren of the people I saw and heard and so admired for their rough talk in 1951, have now been deposed by upper-class incomers.
Mostly it takes place in an exotic setting, near the park, against a dramatic backdrop of a lush green landscape both in the centre of Hebden and in the surrounding hills around Heptonstall, where a former poet laureate used to live, and another poet is buried. Indeed, a lot of the action is played out in front of a newish apartment block where till recently two anarchist incomers, one a member of the Northern Voices editorial panel, used to live. With the mills gone these lads and lassies in the film have become society's rejects - almost foreigners in their own land inhabiting a kind of nether world; a world within a world that most of us walk past without noticing. The town is full of tourists during the day, like nearby Howarth, and where there where once antique shops there are now cafes, bookshops and a sun dial in St. Georges Square.
The film is both directed & narrated by a former native of Hebden, Jez Lewis, who went to London, but came back because he was concerned about his friends from school who where dying at a frighteningly young age. People in the film attack the cultural colonisation of Hebden by incomers, it seems the jobs are just not there for people who make things anymore. Instead, there is a vegan bakers on Market Street, where now an anarcho-syndicalist member of the Solidarity Federation who works at Leeds University and comments on gender politics, goes to buy his vegan croissants in the morning.
________________________________________________________
Chris Draper commenting yesterday on the above film says that he doesn't expect to include it in his forthcoming feature on Six o' the Best Northern Films in Northern Voicies 12 because it is not a commercial film and is a documentary. There will be a more refective review in the Bit on the Side section of NV12.
Tuesday, 27 July 2010
TWO GREAT ROCK LEGENDS!
Nearly a northerner but not quite, is the legendary Steve Winwood, from Handsworth in Birmingham. 'Had to cry today', written by Winwood, was perfomed originally by the band 'Blind Faith' which comprised Winwood, Eric Clapton, Rick Gretch and Ginger Baker. Back in the early 1970s, I saw Steve winwood at a music venue in Manchester. I`ve always considered him a great musician and song writer. Anyway, have a listen to it and make your own minds up. It makes a change for reading about dustbin men and trade unions.
Sunday, 25 July 2010
TOLPUDDLE: SLEEPING & DREAMING WITH DAVE DOUGLASS
The Odd Couple Rides Again:
Of Joe Gormley, the General Secretary of the NUM, the retired miner Dave Douglass writes: 'the Daily Express, had christened him “The Battered Cherub”, and there was much of a Jimmy Clitheroe character in him, just a working-class, no-bullshit lad from Lancashire ... Joe was a giant of the miner's union too, albeit on the right... He carried the common-sense pit wit in his bones and battered the at times weak-kneed intellectual concerns and phraseology of the left. Arthur [Scargill], serious and straight-laced, a bit pompous, was Joe's favourite sparring partner, who he met with 'common sense' practicality. He managed to create an impression of being the true working-class spokesperson [sic] and Arthur some popinjay with his head in the clouds.' Dave gives us an 'hilarious sequence where Sid Vincent, his Lancashire soulmate, is trying to move a vote of thanks to him, and Joe keeps bouncing comments back, not least because he is describing a time when they slept in the same bed, “I had me pants on”, Joe interjects.'
(see verbatim record in the minutes of the 6th, July 1981 of the Annual Conference.)
GHOST DANCERS by David John Douglass price £12.95 from Christie Books PO Box 35, Hastings, East Sussex, TN34 1ZS.
Lugging my luggage up the steps at Doncaster railway station I spotted a very dapper Dave Douglass, wearing a white top and black tee-shirt, stood beside his new red Hyundai - a scrappage scheme job - looking grand with a ruddy face and well controlled hair style. Then we were off on the road to Tolpuddle to commemorate the Martyrs, via a detour round the one-way streets of Bristol. Dave, I should point out, has an awfully unhealthy relationship with his 'stat-nav' which has a seductive woman's voice: he talks to her as we drive along. I think he trusts her more than me or any other human being.
Dave, a retired coal miner and former NUM leader with those squat blond Viking looks of the North-East, was there to give a talk on his new book – the third volume of his mammoth autobiography entitled 'Ghost Dancers: The Miners' Last Generation' - invited to address the Radical History School by that charmer from the South-West; his fellow revolutionary syndicalist, Dave Chapple, who has Welsh ancestors and who stalks around left-wing trade union circles like an Celtic athlete. Dave Chapple, gets his exercise as a part-time postman, while Dave Douglass does physical jerks to keep himself in trim: what a pair they make; the tall, rude Celtic charmer and the thick set ruddy-faced Viking from the North East.
Hoisting his new 'Made in China' tent Dave brought represented a bit of a challenge when it was struck last Thursday night by freak 80-mile-an-hour gales off the English Channel. As I watched him worming his supple body in-and-out of the tent flap I thought of him down't some dark pit slithering through a coal seam: in fact my mind I couldn't help but think of his talents in relation to other holes as well. So naturally close to the surface of the earth was he; after all he'd spent half his life underneath it like some Norwegian Troll in an Ibsen play. How I envied his easy movements which to me as an electrician, use to stretching up on ladders, struck me as utterly wonderful. Last weekend, Dave was down there on his first visit to the Tolpuddle Festival keen to get cracking pushing the latest volume of his massive 3-volume autobiography. At over 500 pages published by Christie Books 'Read & Noir' it represents a giant among pygmies in the publishing world and is going to set him back a chunk of his miner's pension to put on the market.
In the book he coins the term 'Pitracide' to introduce the idea of what he says is 'Nothing more or less than ethnic cleansing is evidenced in the abandoned and forgotten coalfield communities the length and breadth of Britain.' He even has the audacity to compare the fate of the miners historically with that of the North American Indians and the Palestinians – 'without of course the mass murder, with the same social and political design.' He argues passionately that '[t]he miners' roots under the land run as deep as those of the hill farmers or shepherds who worked above it, or the fisherfolk who sailed the coasts' and claims '[m]any mining families in mining regions stretched back to pre-Norman times, and the language of those regions was the ancient dialect of Angle and Saxon, often shot through with Norse, or Britannic tongue which had predated the arrival of the English.' He then goes on in challenging style to write that '[t]hese were the last surviving direct ancestors of the island's ancient inhabitants, who took their ancient twang below ground where it continued for hundreds of years as in philological lost world.'
The question here, that a Marxist historian like Eric Hobsbawm might ask, is that Dave is simply engaged in 'inventing tradition'? like the nationalists have done with the kilt in Scotland (which Hobsbawm claims was really invented in the textile town of Clitheroe or was it somewhere around Blackburn in Lancashire: Dave on this trip, I should tell you, insisted to me that the kilt came from Northumbria, not Scotland). Or are we here – with the British miners - talking of what Benedict Anderson called an 'Imagined Community'? Dave is defiant: 'Pitracide was waged against the miners, who were in many ways almost an ethnic minority, not simply the practitioners of a trade or a skill – an ancient tradition, a way of life, of speech, of outlook, of community and solidarity.' Dave rages on: 'We have witnessed the massacre of a people's whole way of life.' Concluding on the romantic note: 'This book has been written as part of the continuing last stand of that people who – as at the annual festival of a far-flung ancient tribe – dance on, defiant in the face of their exterminators, refusing to disappear or conform to the social design of our masters.'
I had my balls chewed off after Dave's talk after I'd suggested that he kept using the word 'strategy' to describe the reactions of the miners to the program of Thatcher and her Ridley Plan when he was really talking about the 'tactics' they used responding to the Government and the Coal Board. I argued that in some ways the NUM miners in the 1980s were more backward than the South Wales miners who produced 'The Miners' Next Step' in that they had no serious answer to the establishment save to protect and preserve the status quo. At the time and later after the meeting both Dave Douglass and Dave Chapple took great exception to this. Dave Douglass kept telling me that the British miners had been the most 'revolutionary' element of our working class and I kept saying they were 'the most militant' element because they didn't have an serious practical alternative agenda: they didn't have a plan for taking over the pits for instance.
This case was reinforced the next day when Dave Chapple gave a talk on entitled 'A Revolutionary Centenary? The Cambrian Combine Strike, Tonypandy Riots [of 1910] & “The Miners' Next Step”.' Dave Chapple was trying to make out that this was a revolutionary moment in which these Welsh miners and their union overnight transformed themselves from a conciliatory force into a revolutionary body or perhaps proto-revolutionary. His use of the word 'Riot' was, I later realised, a slap in the face to the Bristol Radical History Group, which he seems to despise in some way owing to their emphasis on topics such as the Captain Swing Riots, local suffragettes and the Slave Trade in Bristol and not on trade union issues. At a meeting of this Radical History Group, Dave Chapple had asked why they had produced some 14 booklets dedicated to local history topics and that they hadn't done anything on trade unionism. The pamphlet I bought entitled 'Tolpuddle & Captain Swing: The Flea & the Elephant' (to be reviewed in Northern Voices), has some blurb on the back that claims 'This pamphlet analyses why “Tolpuddle” has taken its place in the popular memory and the far more significant events of “Swing” have been distorted and forgotten.' For some reason this kind of approach seems to upset Dave Chapple, and when in a feeble-minded way I suggested to him that it may be represented as post-modernist he said 'It might be for you, Brian, but we don't have post-modernism in the CWU (Communication Workers' Union).'
My argument, for what it's worth, which I tried to offer in a question, was that both the British and French working-classes however 'revolutionary syndicalist' they may have been in 1910, became largely patriotic nationalists in 1914 during the First World War. I tried to say they did this because they were 'syndicalists' without a vision and, though I didn't say this; I meant they were not anarcho-syndicalists. By contrast I argued that the Spaniards in Barcelona in 1909 during the Semaña Tragica challenged the Spanish War in Africa when the Madrid Government called up the reserves in Catalonia. Gerald Brenan in his 'The Spanish Labyrinth' has written: 'Since the disastrous war in Cuba and the return of thousands of starving and malaria-ridden troops, the whole country had been strongly pacifist.' It seems the reserves consisted of married men of the working classes and Brenan writes: 'in Spain no one who could afford the small sum to buy himself out was ever conscripted.' It seems that there were painful scenes at the railway station when the troops left, and the next day the whole city rose in what came to known as the Semaña Tragica 'which [he says] was a spontaneous affair, not part of an anarchist plot...' The point I was making was that in Catalonia the people in 1909 resisted a war because of their history and culture, while the French and English working-classes – despite their syndicalist background - cheerfully joined in the First World War.
It could be argued that the British and French syndicalists of the pure syndicalist school had become too workerist, with too much emphasis on material matters with not enough consideration for social and cultural transformation. This view may itself be too simplistic because though Brenan argues that Lerroux's Radical Party may have had some blame for what happened in the Semaña Tragica, he writes that the trade unions lost control of their members and Catalan nationalism against Madrid may have been a factor. The end result was that the Radical Party was ruined by the riot and the 'workmen who had followed Lerroux believed ... he had sold himself to Madrid and they abandoned his party for the Anarchists.' The result of all this was the founding of the anarcho-syndicalist CNT in 1910.
It was a good weekend down there in Tolpuddle with Dave Douglass. His diet is vegan and ought by rights to place him outside the human race: I even felt guilty licking a Dorset ice-cream in front of him. And yet, his sense of humour pulls him through; like when he described how a Welsh mining union official gave his closing address ending by saying his members ought to read 'The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists'; whereupon Dave Douglass thanking him announced that the NUM members should read the Karma Sutra so that they will know what the Coal Board is about to do to them.
Of Joe Gormley, the General Secretary of the NUM, the retired miner Dave Douglass writes: 'the Daily Express, had christened him “The Battered Cherub”, and there was much of a Jimmy Clitheroe character in him, just a working-class, no-bullshit lad from Lancashire ... Joe was a giant of the miner's union too, albeit on the right... He carried the common-sense pit wit in his bones and battered the at times weak-kneed intellectual concerns and phraseology of the left. Arthur [Scargill], serious and straight-laced, a bit pompous, was Joe's favourite sparring partner, who he met with 'common sense' practicality. He managed to create an impression of being the true working-class spokesperson [sic] and Arthur some popinjay with his head in the clouds.' Dave gives us an 'hilarious sequence where Sid Vincent, his Lancashire soulmate, is trying to move a vote of thanks to him, and Joe keeps bouncing comments back, not least because he is describing a time when they slept in the same bed, “I had me pants on”, Joe interjects.'
(see verbatim record in the minutes of the 6th, July 1981 of the Annual Conference.)
GHOST DANCERS by David John Douglass price £12.95 from Christie Books PO Box 35, Hastings, East Sussex, TN34 1ZS.
Lugging my luggage up the steps at Doncaster railway station I spotted a very dapper Dave Douglass, wearing a white top and black tee-shirt, stood beside his new red Hyundai - a scrappage scheme job - looking grand with a ruddy face and well controlled hair style. Then we were off on the road to Tolpuddle to commemorate the Martyrs, via a detour round the one-way streets of Bristol. Dave, I should point out, has an awfully unhealthy relationship with his 'stat-nav' which has a seductive woman's voice: he talks to her as we drive along. I think he trusts her more than me or any other human being.
Dave, a retired coal miner and former NUM leader with those squat blond Viking looks of the North-East, was there to give a talk on his new book – the third volume of his mammoth autobiography entitled 'Ghost Dancers: The Miners' Last Generation' - invited to address the Radical History School by that charmer from the South-West; his fellow revolutionary syndicalist, Dave Chapple, who has Welsh ancestors and who stalks around left-wing trade union circles like an Celtic athlete. Dave Chapple, gets his exercise as a part-time postman, while Dave Douglass does physical jerks to keep himself in trim: what a pair they make; the tall, rude Celtic charmer and the thick set ruddy-faced Viking from the North East.
Hoisting his new 'Made in China' tent Dave brought represented a bit of a challenge when it was struck last Thursday night by freak 80-mile-an-hour gales off the English Channel. As I watched him worming his supple body in-and-out of the tent flap I thought of him down't some dark pit slithering through a coal seam: in fact my mind I couldn't help but think of his talents in relation to other holes as well. So naturally close to the surface of the earth was he; after all he'd spent half his life underneath it like some Norwegian Troll in an Ibsen play. How I envied his easy movements which to me as an electrician, use to stretching up on ladders, struck me as utterly wonderful. Last weekend, Dave was down there on his first visit to the Tolpuddle Festival keen to get cracking pushing the latest volume of his massive 3-volume autobiography. At over 500 pages published by Christie Books 'Read & Noir' it represents a giant among pygmies in the publishing world and is going to set him back a chunk of his miner's pension to put on the market.
In the book he coins the term 'Pitracide' to introduce the idea of what he says is 'Nothing more or less than ethnic cleansing is evidenced in the abandoned and forgotten coalfield communities the length and breadth of Britain.' He even has the audacity to compare the fate of the miners historically with that of the North American Indians and the Palestinians – 'without of course the mass murder, with the same social and political design.' He argues passionately that '[t]he miners' roots under the land run as deep as those of the hill farmers or shepherds who worked above it, or the fisherfolk who sailed the coasts' and claims '[m]any mining families in mining regions stretched back to pre-Norman times, and the language of those regions was the ancient dialect of Angle and Saxon, often shot through with Norse, or Britannic tongue which had predated the arrival of the English.' He then goes on in challenging style to write that '[t]hese were the last surviving direct ancestors of the island's ancient inhabitants, who took their ancient twang below ground where it continued for hundreds of years as in philological lost world.'
The question here, that a Marxist historian like Eric Hobsbawm might ask, is that Dave is simply engaged in 'inventing tradition'? like the nationalists have done with the kilt in Scotland (which Hobsbawm claims was really invented in the textile town of Clitheroe or was it somewhere around Blackburn in Lancashire: Dave on this trip, I should tell you, insisted to me that the kilt came from Northumbria, not Scotland). Or are we here – with the British miners - talking of what Benedict Anderson called an 'Imagined Community'? Dave is defiant: 'Pitracide was waged against the miners, who were in many ways almost an ethnic minority, not simply the practitioners of a trade or a skill – an ancient tradition, a way of life, of speech, of outlook, of community and solidarity.' Dave rages on: 'We have witnessed the massacre of a people's whole way of life.' Concluding on the romantic note: 'This book has been written as part of the continuing last stand of that people who – as at the annual festival of a far-flung ancient tribe – dance on, defiant in the face of their exterminators, refusing to disappear or conform to the social design of our masters.'
I had my balls chewed off after Dave's talk after I'd suggested that he kept using the word 'strategy' to describe the reactions of the miners to the program of Thatcher and her Ridley Plan when he was really talking about the 'tactics' they used responding to the Government and the Coal Board. I argued that in some ways the NUM miners in the 1980s were more backward than the South Wales miners who produced 'The Miners' Next Step' in that they had no serious answer to the establishment save to protect and preserve the status quo. At the time and later after the meeting both Dave Douglass and Dave Chapple took great exception to this. Dave Douglass kept telling me that the British miners had been the most 'revolutionary' element of our working class and I kept saying they were 'the most militant' element because they didn't have an serious practical alternative agenda: they didn't have a plan for taking over the pits for instance.
This case was reinforced the next day when Dave Chapple gave a talk on entitled 'A Revolutionary Centenary? The Cambrian Combine Strike, Tonypandy Riots [of 1910] & “The Miners' Next Step”.' Dave Chapple was trying to make out that this was a revolutionary moment in which these Welsh miners and their union overnight transformed themselves from a conciliatory force into a revolutionary body or perhaps proto-revolutionary. His use of the word 'Riot' was, I later realised, a slap in the face to the Bristol Radical History Group, which he seems to despise in some way owing to their emphasis on topics such as the Captain Swing Riots, local suffragettes and the Slave Trade in Bristol and not on trade union issues. At a meeting of this Radical History Group, Dave Chapple had asked why they had produced some 14 booklets dedicated to local history topics and that they hadn't done anything on trade unionism. The pamphlet I bought entitled 'Tolpuddle & Captain Swing: The Flea & the Elephant' (to be reviewed in Northern Voices), has some blurb on the back that claims 'This pamphlet analyses why “Tolpuddle” has taken its place in the popular memory and the far more significant events of “Swing” have been distorted and forgotten.' For some reason this kind of approach seems to upset Dave Chapple, and when in a feeble-minded way I suggested to him that it may be represented as post-modernist he said 'It might be for you, Brian, but we don't have post-modernism in the CWU (Communication Workers' Union).'
My argument, for what it's worth, which I tried to offer in a question, was that both the British and French working-classes however 'revolutionary syndicalist' they may have been in 1910, became largely patriotic nationalists in 1914 during the First World War. I tried to say they did this because they were 'syndicalists' without a vision and, though I didn't say this; I meant they were not anarcho-syndicalists. By contrast I argued that the Spaniards in Barcelona in 1909 during the Semaña Tragica challenged the Spanish War in Africa when the Madrid Government called up the reserves in Catalonia. Gerald Brenan in his 'The Spanish Labyrinth' has written: 'Since the disastrous war in Cuba and the return of thousands of starving and malaria-ridden troops, the whole country had been strongly pacifist.' It seems the reserves consisted of married men of the working classes and Brenan writes: 'in Spain no one who could afford the small sum to buy himself out was ever conscripted.' It seems that there were painful scenes at the railway station when the troops left, and the next day the whole city rose in what came to known as the Semaña Tragica 'which [he says] was a spontaneous affair, not part of an anarchist plot...' The point I was making was that in Catalonia the people in 1909 resisted a war because of their history and culture, while the French and English working-classes – despite their syndicalist background - cheerfully joined in the First World War.
It could be argued that the British and French syndicalists of the pure syndicalist school had become too workerist, with too much emphasis on material matters with not enough consideration for social and cultural transformation. This view may itself be too simplistic because though Brenan argues that Lerroux's Radical Party may have had some blame for what happened in the Semaña Tragica, he writes that the trade unions lost control of their members and Catalan nationalism against Madrid may have been a factor. The end result was that the Radical Party was ruined by the riot and the 'workmen who had followed Lerroux believed ... he had sold himself to Madrid and they abandoned his party for the Anarchists.' The result of all this was the founding of the anarcho-syndicalist CNT in 1910.
It was a good weekend down there in Tolpuddle with Dave Douglass. His diet is vegan and ought by rights to place him outside the human race: I even felt guilty licking a Dorset ice-cream in front of him. And yet, his sense of humour pulls him through; like when he described how a Welsh mining union official gave his closing address ending by saying his members ought to read 'The Ragged Trousered Philanthropists'; whereupon Dave Douglass thanking him announced that the NUM members should read the Karma Sutra so that they will know what the Coal Board is about to do to them.
Thursday, 22 July 2010
Going through the motions with Bury Binmen
LAST WEEK at a meeting between Glen Stuart, Head of Waste Management, and Simon Bagley, Head of Human Resources, the Unite Union representative, Julie Burgess, was told that the Bradley Fold binmen would have to start work earlier at 6.45am after the 90-day notice period had elapsed this coming Autumn. Management claimed they had fulfilled their obligations by doing a survey of the workforce even if they didn't get anything like a majority of the binmen to agree to their proposal. This just goes to show the management can conduct any kind of one-eyed 'ballot' or 'consultancy mechanism' to bamboozle binmen to accept their proposals, it doesn't matter that they don't get the workers support in a survey. Management claiming they are going through the motions and only following the proper procedure set down in the agreement between Bury MBC and the majority union, Unison. Glen Stuart also claimed he had had positive noises when he put his proposal forward at the Bradley Fold Working Group meeting he operates. This Working Group seems to be being used by the bosses as wedge to force through management schemes.
What is interesting here is how management can sally forth with changes without worrying about doing a proper ballot or even serious consultation of the workforce: just by going through the motions of a tin-pot survey conducted in a slapdash way they can get away with anything. While the unions have to conduct ballots with care and attention to detail using an outside body the Electoral Reform Society the bosses can do what they want. This was pointed out last night by the UCATT convener, Lawrence Hunt, at Media City in Salford at a meeting of the Manchester Trade Union Council, while giving a talk on issues of health and safety, the blacklist, and working procedures. He said that construction companies had often carried out procedures in a slapdash manner and often the health and safety of workers were put at risk. He feared that the Cameron Government might go further in cutting corners on health and safety, and was concerned at the extent of the blacklist used to keep people out of work. The meeting was told that blacklisting would not just be confined to the construction industry. The workers at Bradley Fold know of some other nasty tricks such as the practice of surveillance of workers under the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act, using a hand-held camcorder, conducted some years ago by Bury MBC to sack a shop steward.
What is interesting here is how management can sally forth with changes without worrying about doing a proper ballot or even serious consultation of the workforce: just by going through the motions of a tin-pot survey conducted in a slapdash way they can get away with anything. While the unions have to conduct ballots with care and attention to detail using an outside body the Electoral Reform Society the bosses can do what they want. This was pointed out last night by the UCATT convener, Lawrence Hunt, at Media City in Salford at a meeting of the Manchester Trade Union Council, while giving a talk on issues of health and safety, the blacklist, and working procedures. He said that construction companies had often carried out procedures in a slapdash manner and often the health and safety of workers were put at risk. He feared that the Cameron Government might go further in cutting corners on health and safety, and was concerned at the extent of the blacklist used to keep people out of work. The meeting was told that blacklisting would not just be confined to the construction industry. The workers at Bradley Fold know of some other nasty tricks such as the practice of surveillance of workers under the Regulation of Investigatory Powers Act, using a hand-held camcorder, conducted some years ago by Bury MBC to sack a shop steward.
Friday, 16 July 2010
ROY OLDHAM - LAID TO REST, AN OBITUARY!
It was announced on Thursday in the Manchester Evening News (MEN) that Roy Oldham, the former leader of Tameside Metropolitan Borough Council in Greater Manchester, died in Tameside General Hospital on Wednesday 14 July after a prolonged battle against cancer.Mr Oldham, aged 76, was until earlier this year the longest serving council leader in the country. A former engineer who once worked for British Nuclear Fuels, he was elected as a Labour candidate to Longdendale Urban District Council in 1965 and became the leader of Tameside Council in 1980. In 2000 he was given a CBE for services to local government.
Two years ago he was diagnosed with bladder cancer. In 2008 his wife Margaret (also a Tameside councillor) died, and in May, of this year, both his sister and brother-in-law were killed in a car crash. Earlier this year, after having led the council for three decades, he was voted out by Labour party members and was succeeded by Councillor Kieran Quinn, from Droylsden.
Following his death on Wednesday, eulogies from Labour hacks and other cronies, have been pouring in extolling the virtues of this former town hall Burgomeister. Lord Pendry told the MEN, "He was a great politician, perhaps the best I have known." David Heyes, the MP for Ashton-under-Lyne, told the paper: "Roy was a colossus on the Tameside political scene for more than a generation." As the MEN reported, even on his death-bed, councillor Oldham, expressed concern for his constituents in Longdendale and his hope that they would get the Longdendale By-pass that he had 'fought for' for so long. Pass the handkerchief!
Listening to these eulogies, one would never guess that not so very long ago, the M.E.N. had once dubbed Tameside Council, the 'Laughing-Stock Council.' The council's transfer of all its elderly peoples homes in 1990 to an arms-length company called Tameside Enterprises Limited (TEL), turned out to be one unmitigated disaster. In 1993, it was discovered that the company had run up millions of pounds in debt. The company Secretary at the time, Paul Stonier, the then husband of councillor Shirley Stonier (the then chair of Tameside social services) explained that this was because elderly people in the homes, were not dying fast enough. It was discovered that he and others had also been awarding themselves huge pay rises. It also came to light that the assistant company secretary in charge of finance at the time, councillor Simon Walker, (who now runs Tameside Radio) had no financial qualifications whatsoever, but had nevertheless been given a reference for the job by Roy Oldham. The Radio 4 presenter of 'Face the Facts', John Waite, who investigated TEL, said that it was story of "High office and low politics,of jobs for the boys, and bills for the taxpayer." As a consequence of this fiasco, hundreds of care workers employed by TEL, had their wages slashed and when Roy Oldham was asked how he felt about the pay cuts, he callously remarked, that the care workers should consider themselves lucky to have a job.
Roy Oldham was a man who brooked no opposition. He could be ruthless, nasty,devious, and was a past master in the exercise of power and control. He would, on occasions, announce in full council that certain members of the political opposition were in arrears with their council tax, much to their shame and embarrassment. Those councillors who trod on his toes, would find that their expenses claims had been trawled through and on one occasion, a Labour councillor found himself in the Crown Court, convicted for fraud and deception. He was not what you would call a charismatic leader: his oratorical skills were feeble. It was said that he took elocution lessons from Rocky Balboa aka Sylvester Stalone. He was one of the highest paid councillors in Greater Manchester and as the leader of Tameside Council, there were moves to increase his salary in line with the earnings of MP`s. It was once said that when his late wife Margaret was on the council, over a thousand pounds a week was going into the Oldham household in councillors allowances and expenses. His recent death also means that he has been robbed of the Knighthood that he much coveted.
A Green Party friend of mine, told me that the Tameside Green`s once wrote to Roy Oldham challenging him to a debate about green issues in the area. Roy Oldham`s response was to say: "When you are a power to be reckoned with, then, and only then, will I give you a forum." This is what Roy Oldham fully understood, the workings of power. He was the ultimate machine like politician, a town hall bureaucrat to boot.
Thursday, 15 July 2010
Triumph: 74 years late
ON Sunday, the day of the World Cup Final, the Spanish newspaper El País reported: 'La selección paraliza el país anti su histórico reto con Holland.' ('The team paralysed the whole country before its historic challenge with Holland.'). That night the Spanish football team, made up mostly of Catalans and Basques, emerged victorious but battered black and blue, after a brutal match with Holland. On Tuesday, Cayetano Ros in an article entitled 'Sticks Against Spain' claimed 'All of Spain's opponents, save Germany, tried to neutralise Spanish creativity with lots of fouls': in Holland's case 28 fouls, some of them considerably grave'. This, it seems, he thought to be 'such a sharp break with the Dutch tradition and it is not possible to speak of it being spontaneous among the players in orange, rather premeditated.' 'With Spain it is only possible to play hard, rough' one Dutch player said. But Señor Ros writes: 'Germany (committing only 9 offences to 7 by Spain) was the only team to play and to leave Spain to play.'
Yesterday, Rob Hughes in the International Herald Tribune wrote: 'There has never been so foul an intent in the 40 years I have watched the World Cup'. And he added: 'Sadly, the English referee Howard Webb added to it by handing out only yellow cards to eight Dutch players.' He argued: '... seemingly afraid of the gifted Spaniards, they (the Dutch) opted to knock them down.'
When he scored the Catalan, Andrés Iniesta, took off his jersey to reveal an undershirt with the inscription 'Dani Jarque siempre con nosotros': Dani Jarque always with us. For this act he got a yellow card. Jarque played for Espanyol, the rival team to Barcelona in the Catalan capital, and who died of a heart attack in August 2009 at the age of 26. It seems that the Spanish coach, Vincente Del Bosque, though he comes from the town of Carpio del Campo in the 'heart of Old Castile' a town full of railway workers, can't resist picking Barça players and Rob Hughes writes: 'Germany (in the semi-final) effectively lost this contest to a club side' and goes on to say 'But Barcelona is a very special club.' Vincente Del Bosque's father was denounced as a republican in the Spanish Civil War and detained for 3 years in a prison in Alava.
Next Tuesday on the 20th, July it will be 74 years since Catalonia and the anarchist trade union – the CNT - defeated military sedition on the streets of Barcelona by becoming the first people to beat fascism. Later that day, still carrying the weapons with which they had stormed the Atarazanas barracks, some of the leaders of the anarchist CNT; Juan Garcia Oliver, Durruti and Diego Abad de Santillán met with President Companys to decide what steps to take. Companys is reputed to have said to them: 'Today you are masters of the city and of Catalonia because you have conquered the fascist military ...' And yet, in the end the creativity of the Spanish anarchists of 1936-7 was squashed between a medieval native military and the forces of fascism and Stalinism. England and France, rather like the English referee Howard Webb, opted for non-intervention.
Yesterday, Rob Hughes in the International Herald Tribune wrote: 'There has never been so foul an intent in the 40 years I have watched the World Cup'. And he added: 'Sadly, the English referee Howard Webb added to it by handing out only yellow cards to eight Dutch players.' He argued: '... seemingly afraid of the gifted Spaniards, they (the Dutch) opted to knock them down.'
When he scored the Catalan, Andrés Iniesta, took off his jersey to reveal an undershirt with the inscription 'Dani Jarque siempre con nosotros': Dani Jarque always with us. For this act he got a yellow card. Jarque played for Espanyol, the rival team to Barcelona in the Catalan capital, and who died of a heart attack in August 2009 at the age of 26. It seems that the Spanish coach, Vincente Del Bosque, though he comes from the town of Carpio del Campo in the 'heart of Old Castile' a town full of railway workers, can't resist picking Barça players and Rob Hughes writes: 'Germany (in the semi-final) effectively lost this contest to a club side' and goes on to say 'But Barcelona is a very special club.' Vincente Del Bosque's father was denounced as a republican in the Spanish Civil War and detained for 3 years in a prison in Alava.
Next Tuesday on the 20th, July it will be 74 years since Catalonia and the anarchist trade union – the CNT - defeated military sedition on the streets of Barcelona by becoming the first people to beat fascism. Later that day, still carrying the weapons with which they had stormed the Atarazanas barracks, some of the leaders of the anarchist CNT; Juan Garcia Oliver, Durruti and Diego Abad de Santillán met with President Companys to decide what steps to take. Companys is reputed to have said to them: 'Today you are masters of the city and of Catalonia because you have conquered the fascist military ...' And yet, in the end the creativity of the Spanish anarchists of 1936-7 was squashed between a medieval native military and the forces of fascism and Stalinism. England and France, rather like the English referee Howard Webb, opted for non-intervention.
Saturday, 10 July 2010
BURY MBC'S Alice-in-Wonderland Analysis of Ballot
A 'Con-Con-Con-Consultative Mechanism' not 'An-An-Anarchy!'
Isn't our Great British local authority management 'wonderful' in the Alice-in-Wonderland sense of the word? On the 25th, May 2010, Bury Metropolitan Borough Council (MBC) at Bradley Fold Waste Depot concluded a 'consultation' of its workforce about its Head of Waste management's proposal to shift the work start time from 7am to 6.45am in a morning for emptying the bins. On June 25th, 2010, it reported that the result of this 'consultation' was:
32 against the earlier time;
22 in favour;
17 did not reply.
On the basis of these figures management claims it has the right to change the start time to Quarter-to-Seven arguing: 'Given that there was no overall majority view either for or against moving the start time to 06.45 and management believe that the proposal will be very much to the benefit of the service...' It is rumoured that the Head of Human Resources has retrospectively justified this decision by saying 'We don't ballot our workforce' on what to do, for to do so, would be 'anarchy'. He is said to have claimed: 'We are here to move the business forward', no matter what, and we need to show our political masters that we are 'doing something'. At a time when trade unions have to ballot their members through independent bodies like the Electoral Reform Society (remember the British Airways and RMT disputes) with great care; managements, like Bury MBC, can employ this upside-down logic to overturn results if they don't like them. They can, like Bury MBC, simply call them 'con-con-con-consultative mechanisms' and the powers-that-be will not blink an eyelid.
So now you know the 'consultative mechanism' in the management's 'tool kit' or 'bag of tricks' is not interested in what people think so much as in justifying what management want to do anyway. Anything else would be, to use the Greek word meaning 'without government or bosses': 'Anarchy!'. To give a bunch of binmen the right to decide, would be 'mob rule' no less, for we all know 'the boss knows best'. And British Petroleum in the Gulf of Mexico has shown what happens when management 'don't have the tools in their tool kit'.
But do management know best?
The current changes at Bradley Fold, Bury, have been the result of management failing to listen to the workforce last year and insisting on enforcing a scheme based on a computer software model that, in the end, brought forth accusations from the binmen of bullying by management, victimisation and a strange accident proneness on the job owing to the pressure from management (a bin waggon blowing up in Radcliffe; a crushed foot; squashed arm; and this week, the police were involved when a rushed binman was caught urinating up a back-alley). The Unite the Union shop steward, Alan Stewart, raised these pressures with management last year soon after the new scheme was introduced, but last week after an appeal he has been dismissed in a contested case on grounds of disability. Alan Stewart, is the second Unite shop steward on the bins to be dismissed at Bradley Fold; he follows the notorious case of the sacking of Joe Cleary, the Unite shop steward who was got rid of after a questionable surveillance exercise by Bury Council that got into the newspapers.
At the time of writing Julie Burgess, the Unite officer is challenging the management handling of the 'ballot', but Steve Morton, the UNISON representative with a handful of members at Bradley Fold, has yet to comment.
Monday, 5 July 2010
Professor Warns Sick Scheme in Danger of Collapse!
An economist who helped to design the Employment and Support Allowance (ESA), which was introduced (by former Work and Pensions Secretary,James Purnell)to replace Incapacity Benefit in October 2008, has warned that the scheme is in danger of collapse unless radical reforms are implemented.
In a recent report by The Times newspaper, Professor Paul Gregg, an economist at the University of Bristol, says that the government should suspend plans to move 2.5 million Incapacity Benefit claimants on to ESA in October because serious errors need to be rectified. Professor Gregg told the paper:
The new medical tests (50,000 a month) are being undertaken by doctors and nurses employed by Atos Healthcare, a private company. On average it finds that only 5% of claimants are unfit to work. However, around 8,000 people a month are now appealing against these decisions at the tribunals and almost half are winning their cases.
In October 2009, a Manchester GP, Dr. Tim Greenaway, wrote to The Guardian about three of his patients who had all been refused ESA. One patient was psychotic, another patient who had been tortured in Iran suffered from post-tramatic stress disorder, and another patient was an alcoholic. In his view none of them were fit for work, but as he pointed out, the Department of Work & Pensions, no longer asks GP`s for their opinion.
In a recent report by The Times newspaper, Professor Paul Gregg, an economist at the University of Bristol, says that the government should suspend plans to move 2.5 million Incapacity Benefit claimants on to ESA in October because serious errors need to be rectified. Professor Gregg told the paper:
"To go ahead with these problems is not just ridiculous, it is in fact scary." He added: "Introducing the ESA system for new claimants in 2008 was effectively a pilot, and all the signals from the pilot are that a lot of adjustments need to be made. There are serious problems with putting people who failed the test but still have serious health issues straight on to Jobseeker`s allowance, where there is no special help."Since October 2008, all new claimants who suffer from ill health, have had to apply for ESA which includes a stricter medical test. More than two-thirds of applicants are failing in their claims. On average only 5% of claimants are deemed unfit for work and eligible for the ESA. A further 13% are referred for "work-related activity" but are still able to claim ESA, while 39% are judged fit for work, and the rest do not pursue their claims. Under the new rules, many claimants have been deemed fit for work while suffering from Parkinson`s Disease, Cancer and Multiple Sclerosis. In one case, which The Times referred to, a woman who could barely walk or breathe was judged fit for work just five months before she died of lung cancer.
The new medical tests (50,000 a month) are being undertaken by doctors and nurses employed by Atos Healthcare, a private company. On average it finds that only 5% of claimants are unfit to work. However, around 8,000 people a month are now appealing against these decisions at the tribunals and almost half are winning their cases.
In October 2009, a Manchester GP, Dr. Tim Greenaway, wrote to The Guardian about three of his patients who had all been refused ESA. One patient was psychotic, another patient who had been tortured in Iran suffered from post-tramatic stress disorder, and another patient was an alcoholic. In his view none of them were fit for work, but as he pointed out, the Department of Work & Pensions, no longer asks GP`s for their opinion.
Tuesday, 22 June 2010
Triumph of Thatcherism
The Coalition: Is this Thatcherism's last stand?
IN LAST Thursday's Financial Times, Robert Skidelsky asked: 'Who governs - government or the financial markets?'. In this he repeats the 1974 cry of Edward Heath who then as Prime Minister asked: 'Who governs Britain - the government or the trade unions'. It seems, at the present time, we are at the mercy of the financial markets and that, according to Skidelsky, even if the Keynesian logic that national deficits are not harmful and that Keynes was right in insisting that the 'paradox of thrift' - increased saving and balanced budgets - will worsen the slump, this counts for nothing in the present climate because whatever the markets believe is the case will be the case even, says Skidelsky, if it's false.
Thus, Skidelsky argues: 'The current stampede to thrift shows that the re-conversion to Keynes in the wake of the financial collapse of 2008 was only skin-deep...'. And it was 'only skin-deep' because today the markets rule. Yet, if this approach fails in years to come then Skidelsky says: 'the challenge that financial power poses to good government has to be squarely faced.'
When in 1974, the then Prime Minister, Edward Heath, asked: 'Who governs Britain - the government or the trade unions?' - he lost the General election he'd just called. But as Skidelsky points out in the FT: 'Five years later British voters delivered a final verdict by electing Margaret Thatcher.' We all know what happened then as politics in this country took a turn which has haunted our society at every level ever since. Everything, it seems, is measured by the Thatcher standard and the market system: our economics, the ruling party and the Prime Minister of the day. Major, Blair, Brown and now Cameron, are all judged according to her yardstick; even so far as having the old lady round to tea at Downing Street. The reason a Keynesian economist like Skidelsky writes such an article entitled: 'Once again we must ask: "Who governs?" ', is because essentially the spirit of Thatcher still governs our political, financial and economic thinking to such a large extent.
Why?
Because, whatever the left says, her government did something that was previously thought impossible, in 1985 she beat the National Union of Miners (NUM) and the TUC. That was the triumph of Thatcherism that made possible a radical change in our politics, economics and our social culture. She, unlike her enemies, wasn't just a smart-arsed tactician but she had a coherent plan and a strategy. Just as Fascism, in the 1930s, was a counter-revolution against a revolution that never happened; so Thatcherism, in the 1980s, was a counter-revolution against a trade union challenge that was incapable of fulfilling its destiny. Indeed British trade unionism at that time and now, didn't have any proper idea of what was meant a having a destiny and Scargill, though a brilliant tactician was hopeless at strategy. The trade union challenge in the 1980s was one of defence of the status quo through the will of a conservative and pragmatic community. Today, the main weakness of the British left and the trade unions is this fundamental conservatism and pragmatism. Today, the parties of the left and the unions have no serious program or strategy save to oppose and react against the establishment at every opportunity. This is as true of the anarchist movement as it is of the parliamentary Labour Party and all the political odds and sods in between. The left-wing theme is to emphasise the negative nature of politics and to go unto the defensive: 'Stop the BNP'; 'Defend the Welfare State'; 'Resist the Cuts'; 'No 2 EU'; 'Save Our Jobs' and so on - all scope to sate the appetites of all those soapbox revolutionaries with their inconclusive street-wide rallies endangering nowt but the occasional window and policeman's helmet.
Robert Skidelsky is able to ask 'Who governs?' precisely because Thatcherite thinking is so well embedded in our culture and body politic and he writes: 'If markets have come to the view that deficits are harmful, they must be appeased, even if they are wrong.' If only because [w]hat market participants believe to be the case becomes the case, not because their beliefs are true, but because they act on their beliefs, true or false.' Skidelsky claims: 'we are about to embark on a momentous experiment', a test to see if the Keynesian view that balanced budgets make slumps worse or if the coalition government's view that only 'fiscal consolidation' will give us a 'recovery and fast growth' is right. Now we must wait and see what happens; as I listen to the words of George Osborne ringing in my ears: 'This budget will be tough and fair!' No doubt, Lord Skidelsky will be hoping to sell his latest book entitled 'Keynes: The Return of the Master' whatever the outcome for the rest of us.
IN LAST Thursday's Financial Times, Robert Skidelsky asked: 'Who governs - government or the financial markets?'. In this he repeats the 1974 cry of Edward Heath who then as Prime Minister asked: 'Who governs Britain - the government or the trade unions'. It seems, at the present time, we are at the mercy of the financial markets and that, according to Skidelsky, even if the Keynesian logic that national deficits are not harmful and that Keynes was right in insisting that the 'paradox of thrift' - increased saving and balanced budgets - will worsen the slump, this counts for nothing in the present climate because whatever the markets believe is the case will be the case even, says Skidelsky, if it's false.
Thus, Skidelsky argues: 'The current stampede to thrift shows that the re-conversion to Keynes in the wake of the financial collapse of 2008 was only skin-deep...'. And it was 'only skin-deep' because today the markets rule. Yet, if this approach fails in years to come then Skidelsky says: 'the challenge that financial power poses to good government has to be squarely faced.'
When in 1974, the then Prime Minister, Edward Heath, asked: 'Who governs Britain - the government or the trade unions?' - he lost the General election he'd just called. But as Skidelsky points out in the FT: 'Five years later British voters delivered a final verdict by electing Margaret Thatcher.' We all know what happened then as politics in this country took a turn which has haunted our society at every level ever since. Everything, it seems, is measured by the Thatcher standard and the market system: our economics, the ruling party and the Prime Minister of the day. Major, Blair, Brown and now Cameron, are all judged according to her yardstick; even so far as having the old lady round to tea at Downing Street. The reason a Keynesian economist like Skidelsky writes such an article entitled: 'Once again we must ask: "Who governs?" ', is because essentially the spirit of Thatcher still governs our political, financial and economic thinking to such a large extent.
Why?
Because, whatever the left says, her government did something that was previously thought impossible, in 1985 she beat the National Union of Miners (NUM) and the TUC. That was the triumph of Thatcherism that made possible a radical change in our politics, economics and our social culture. She, unlike her enemies, wasn't just a smart-arsed tactician but she had a coherent plan and a strategy. Just as Fascism, in the 1930s, was a counter-revolution against a revolution that never happened; so Thatcherism, in the 1980s, was a counter-revolution against a trade union challenge that was incapable of fulfilling its destiny. Indeed British trade unionism at that time and now, didn't have any proper idea of what was meant a having a destiny and Scargill, though a brilliant tactician was hopeless at strategy. The trade union challenge in the 1980s was one of defence of the status quo through the will of a conservative and pragmatic community. Today, the main weakness of the British left and the trade unions is this fundamental conservatism and pragmatism. Today, the parties of the left and the unions have no serious program or strategy save to oppose and react against the establishment at every opportunity. This is as true of the anarchist movement as it is of the parliamentary Labour Party and all the political odds and sods in between. The left-wing theme is to emphasise the negative nature of politics and to go unto the defensive: 'Stop the BNP'; 'Defend the Welfare State'; 'Resist the Cuts'; 'No 2 EU'; 'Save Our Jobs' and so on - all scope to sate the appetites of all those soapbox revolutionaries with their inconclusive street-wide rallies endangering nowt but the occasional window and policeman's helmet.
Robert Skidelsky is able to ask 'Who governs?' precisely because Thatcherite thinking is so well embedded in our culture and body politic and he writes: 'If markets have come to the view that deficits are harmful, they must be appeased, even if they are wrong.' If only because [w]hat market participants believe to be the case becomes the case, not because their beliefs are true, but because they act on their beliefs, true or false.' Skidelsky claims: 'we are about to embark on a momentous experiment', a test to see if the Keynesian view that balanced budgets make slumps worse or if the coalition government's view that only 'fiscal consolidation' will give us a 'recovery and fast growth' is right. Now we must wait and see what happens; as I listen to the words of George Osborne ringing in my ears: 'This budget will be tough and fair!' No doubt, Lord Skidelsky will be hoping to sell his latest book entitled 'Keynes: The Return of the Master' whatever the outcome for the rest of us.
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